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Abstract

This chapter examines the period from 1997 to 2010, during which time political devolution as a form of decentralization becomes a scale commitment across the British state. Devolution ultimately becomes supported and implemented across the political spectrum nationally, albeit for different ideological purposes and at different stages of the period. The key questions being answered are: What political-economic motives produced the contemporary commitment to devolution, and why is this occurring now? This chapter connects to the historical and analytical method applied in this book by explaining the mechanisms of change shaping institutional structures and policy approaches over time and space, specifically, how decentralization reflects political choices, strategies and struggles in the new millennium. It does this within a broader discussion of neoclassical economic growth theory versus a social democratic approach to economic development.

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Notes

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    This has been a call to action concerning the motives behind the dramatic changes happening to the spatial and territorial character of the state. See Erik Swyngedouw, “Reconstructing Citizenship, the Re-scaling of the State and the New Authoritarianism: Closing the Belgian Mines,” Urban Studies 33, 8 (1996): 1500.

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    Comparative research suggests that countries that use proportional representation tend to have more diverse representation in their legislatures than countries that use plurality electoral systems. Overall, proportional systems facilitate greater party competition, and where diversity is a political issue actively being sought, it is used to enhance greater inclusion of under-represented populations in political institutions. Dennis Pilon, The Politics of Voting: Reforming Canada’s Electoral System (Toronto: Edmund Montgomery, 2007), 58, 128.

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    For a discussion of these positions, see Bradbury, “Devolution in Wales: An Unfolding Process,” 50, 57, 60–61.

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    Dave Byrne and Paul Benneworth, “Where and What Is the North East of England,” in The Rise of the English Regions?, ed. Irene Hardill et al. (London: Routledge, 2006), 108–109.

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  43. 43.

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  44. 44.

    Bogdanor, Devolution in the United Kingdom, 239.

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    Guy Lodge and Rick Muir, “Localism Under New Labour,” The Political Quarterly 81, 1 (2011); Lawrence Pratchett, “Local Autonomy, Local Democracy, and the ‘New Localism’,” Political Studies 52 (2004): 358–375.

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  50. 50.

    Jones and Stewart, “Central-Local Relations since the Layfield Report,” 19.

  51. 51.

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  52. 52.

    John Mawson, “Local Economic Development and the Sub-National Review: Old Wine in New Bottles?,” Local Government Studies 35, 1 (2009): 44.

  53. 53.

    Helen Sullivan, “Is Enabling Enough? Tensions and Dilemmas in New Labour’s Strategies for Joining-Up Local Governance,” Public Policy and Administration 20, 4 (2005): 10, 12.

  54. 54.

    Howard Davis and Guy Daly, “From Community Government to Communitarian Partnership? Approaches to Devolution in Birmingham,” Local Government Studies 30, 2 (2004): 187–192.

  55. 55.

    Mawson, “Local Economic Development and the Sub-National Review,” 45–46.

  56. 56.

    Geddes, “Partnership and the Limits to Local Governance in England,” 81, 83, 89.

  57. 57.

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    Laffin, “Local Government Modernisation in England,” 115.

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    Mawson, “Local Economic Development and the Sub-National Review,” 39–40, 49 57.

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  65. 65.

    Phil Allmendinger and Graham Haughton, “Spatial Planning, Devolution, and New Planning Spaces,” Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28 (2010): 807–808.

  66. 66.

    Charlie Jeffery, “Devolution and Local Government,” Publius, 36, 1 (2006): 60.

  67. 67.

    STV is a form of proportional representation where voters number their preferences for political candidates (i.e. 1, 2, 3, 4). Ballot counting proceeds by an initial count of the first choices until a candidate exceeds the quota and is elected. At that point, surplus votes are redistributed to elect other candidates. See Pilon, The Politics of Voting, 185.

  68. 68.

    Neil McGarvey, “Intergovernmental Relations in Scotland Post-Devolution,” in Regulating Local Authorities: Emerging Patterns of Central Control, ed. Paul Carmichael and Arthur Midwinter (Portland: Frank Cass, 2003), 30–32, 34, 41–42. Some commentators suggest that devolution entails a silent crisis: “It is time we fully recognised the state of democracy in Scotland. Below the national level, Scotland is the least democratic country in the European Union […] Excepting the turnout indicator (which as noted is disproportionately high in Scotland because of the track record of holding local and national elections on the same day), Scotland comes bottom in every single indicator of local democracy. We have the fewest councils, the fewest councilors, the largest constituencies (even including somewhere as sparsely populated as Norway or Finland), the highest ratio between the population and councillors, the lowest proportion of the population engaged in local politics, the least competitive elections and (barring England and even with the distorting effect of dual elections) the lowest turnout.” See Eberhard Bort, Robin McAlpine, and Gordon Morgan, The Silent Crisis Failure and Revival in Local Democracy in Scotland (Biggar: The Jimmy Reid Foundation, 2012), 9–10, 26.

  69. 69.

    Philip Allmendinger, “Escaping Policy Gravity: The Scope for Distinctiveness in Scottish Spatial Planning,” in Territory, Identity and Spatial Planning: Spatial Governance in a Fragmented Nation, ed. Mark Tewdwr-Jones and Philip Allmendinger (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), 153.

  70. 70.

    Martin Laffin, “Comparative Central-Local Relations: Regional Centralism, Governance and Intergovernmental Relations,” Public Policy and Administration 22, 1 (2007): 75, 77–78, 81.

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Vlahos, N. (2020). Devolution as a Scale Commitment from 1997 to 2010. In: The Political Economy of Devolution in Britain from the Postwar Era to Brexit. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48729-4_4

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