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Illiberal, Democratic and Non-Arbitrary?

Epicentre and Circumstances of a Rule of Law Crisis

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Abstract

In recent years, diverse threats across multiple countries to the Rule of law have been brought to the attention of the European Commission. Focus has mainly centred on the Article 7 TEU procedure. This paper argues that EU oversight should be considered as having regard to its internal premises and credibility; the question can be posed whether EU censorship is affected by a ever-encroaching weakness that currently characterises the present relationships between States and regional or supranational orders, whose authority is met at times with resistance. Zooming out from the daily threats to the Rule of law in so-called illiberal or populist governments, this paper scrutinises some usual theoretical tools and conceptual frameworks, namely the connection between arbitrariness and the Rule of law on one hand, and the Rule of law and the overall idea of public law on the other. It suggests that the present crisis is part of a seismic shift of the main components of the idea of public law that underpin the modern and contemporary state. After examining further case law and evidence of arbitrariness and non-arbitrariness that exceeds the features of the Rule of law, this paper challenges the conviction that a generic notion of arbitrariness can capture the problem of illiberal governmental actions, or justify the European Union attitude in responding to a ‘Rule of law crisis’.

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Notes

  1. Communication from the Commission of 11 March 2014, A new EU Framework to strengthen the Rule of law, available at http://ec.europa.eu/justice/effective-justice/files/com_2014_158_en.pdf.

  2. For example, see as early as 2012, The 11th European Commission Report on progress in Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism—July 2012: European Commission, Report from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council on Progress in Romania under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism, Brussels, 18.7.2012, COM (2012) 410 final. See Carp (2014).

  3. Closa and Kochenov (2016).

  4. White Paper on the Future of Europe. Reflections and Scenarios for the EU27 bz 2025. European Commission COM(2017)2025 of 1 March 2017. https://ec.europa.eu/commission/sites/beta-political/files/white_paper_on_the_future_of_europe_en.pdf.

  5. In the Italian newspaper Corriere della sera: http://www.corriere.it/esteri/17_aprile_07/ungheria-agnes-heller-orban-legge-contro-ateneo-george-soros-universita-budapest-57de37b0-1b01-11e7-953e-ab8f663f73c7.shtml.

  6. See for ex. Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski and Roland Benedikter, ‘Poland is not Hungary’, in Foreign Affairs, September 21, 2016, available at https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/central-europe/2016-09-21/poland-not-hungary.

  7. More at length at this regard in Palombella (2016a, b).

  8. In relation to it a number of interventionist hypotheses have been studied be they invoking the Parliament, the Commission, the Council, the Fundamental Rights Agency and so forth: for a discussion see Closa 2016.

  9. Weiler 2016.

  10. Cf. Palombella (2016a, b).

  11. Habermas (2015, p. 554).

  12. Habermas (2015, p. 554).

  13. Habermas (2015, p. 554).

  14. For critical discussion on the forms of European legitimacy, Schmidt (2013) and Weiler (2012).

  15. Joerges (2007).

  16. Kilpatrick (2015, p. 325). The point of a new permanent emergency is made by Joerges (2016).

  17. In the interpretation of populism, there is a leftist view that connects it to the re-appropriation of the possibility of democracy, wasted in times of crisis and crisis of representation. The leading thinkers relevant here are Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. For their more recent works see Laclau (2013), and Mouffe (2013). On the works of these authors, Martin 2013; and Howarth 2015.

  18. Damian Chalmers analyses some national constitutional responses to the pressure, intensified during the crisis, of EU law onto traditional spheres concerning sovereignty, citizenship, the relation between parliament and the executive: Chalmers (2016).

  19. Palombella (2010).

  20. Krygier (2016).

  21. Gábor Halmai, ‘The decline of liberal democracy in Europe's midst,’ in Eurozine, sept. 2016, available at http://www.eurozine.com/the-decline-of-liberal-democracy-in-europes-midst/.

  22. Halmai, supra n. 22.

  23. Habermas (1996, 1998).

  24. Krygier (2016).

  25. As he wrote: ‘whoever has the legislative or supreme power of any commonwealth, is bound to govern by established standing laws, promulgated and known to the people, and not by extemporary decrees; by indifferent and upright judges, who are to decide controversies by those laws; and to employ the force of the community at home, only in the execution of such laws, or abroad to prevent or redress foreign injuries, and secure the community from inroads and invasion. And all this to be directed to no other end, but the peace, safety, and public good of the people’ (Locke 1946, para 131).

  26. Krygier (2016).

  27. Fuller (1969, ch. 2). It is noteworthy that Fuller calls his eight requirements, ‘principles of legality’ (not expressly principles of the Rule of law).

  28. Waldron (2011).

  29. I have explained my disagreement on the centrality of some procedural aspects in Palombella (2016a, b). See also West (2011, pp. 32–51).

  30. Krygier (2016).

  31. Bentham (1970, p. 192).

  32. Kant (1996), para 42 ff., pp. 86 ff.

  33. Loughlin (2010).

  34. Rousseau (1997, p. 81).

  35. Being founded on the consent of the People: see Loughlin (2010, pp. 10 ff).

  36. Taken alone might pave the way to the ‘ethics of the soil’, the ‘tyranny of values’, and related bitter experiences which they have generated in the past century.

  37. I have made these points in Palombella (2013).

  38. De Secondat Baron de Montesquieu (2012, p. 460).

  39. As Rawls noted, the Rule of law ‘is obviously closely related to liberty’. Rawls (1999, p. 207).

  40. Cassese (2010).

  41. De Felice (2005).

  42. The instrumental use of legality was emptying the very idea of the Rule of law, but in many ways Fascism could fare well under some formal indicators, and it was most times supported by a perceived non-arbitrariness. The perception of non-arbitrariness of course includes some factor of deception, but legitimacy obviously has nothing to do with truth.

  43. Reid (2004, p. 16). See also Palombella (2010).

  44. This is what I have called the domination problem in the absence of the Rule of law, adapting the concept from Pettit to a legal problem for which Pettit did not intend the notion: Palombella (2010). Furthermore, the general reference to Pettit (1997).

  45. Elaborating on the distinction by de Bracton, McIlwain (1940, p. 85).

  46. This illiberal movement can bring a self-defeating promise, against which the contemporary legal civilisation has constantly worked: the inner danger of authoritarianism, the exclusion of pluralism, the undermining of individual liberty, the privatization of the public and the imposition of a public authoritative idea of the good. It makes the law only the instrumental expression of power instead of (also) a preservation of liberty in the sense to which the Rule of law ideal was originally put.

  47. It is, for example, by using formal and fullerian requisites that Claire Killpatrick shows the non-compliance of the EU with the Rule of law. However, Kilpatrick endorses the distinction between managerialism (of the EU) and the potential of ‘new governance’, that would be capable of promising, in the EU, participation and the reflexive character that is cherished in its experimentalist paradigm (supra note 17).

  48. See Kingsbury and Krisch (2006). For a comprehensive and advanced understanding, Walker (2014). See also Cassese (2009).

  49. The external colonization of the life-worlds was discussed famously vis-à-vis the interventionist Welfare State (submitting core areas of social and personal life to economic or administrative logics) in the 1980s: Habermas (1981).

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Palombella, G. Illiberal, Democratic and Non-Arbitrary?. Hague J Rule Law 10, 5–19 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40803-017-0059-9

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