Notes
I’ll offer just one example. A traditional Chinese wedding ceremony typically ended with a family trip to the newlywed’s bedroom, where children were encouraged to jump up and down on the bed. The hope was that their little feet would encourage the bed, as it were, to bring forth more children. My Taiwanese partner at the time—the tenth of 10 children—was upset during his childhood that he was not allowed to stomp on the nuptial bed like other children, or even to enter the bedroom. Why? He was born in the Year of the Tiger, and his family feared that his mere presence might devour the procreative powers otherwise being imparted to the bed.
Here and elsewhere, researchers seem to have located examples of very rapid fertility decline and then tried to justify, ex post facto, why those are appropriate comparators for China. For example, Amartya Sen has repeatedly proposed fertility decline in the Indian State of Kerala as a comparator (1994, 1999; also mentioned in Zhao and Zhang’s comment). Kerala is a highly flawed comparator, not simply because it is a subnational entity, but also because it is a double outlier. In the 1990s, according to Sen, Kerala had higher levels of literacy than other states of India as well as all provinces of China.
The striking similarity of income growth between Thailand and the 16-country comparator (Wang et al. 2013) convinced me that the latter would be an appropriate comparator for China. Despite that similarity, Thailand’s fertility was notably lower. This is a good illustration of the lack of a “deterministic” relationship between fertility and income.
I am not the only observer to remark on Greenhalgh’s habit of “demolishing straw men” (Aird 1990:96) and launching expositional seesaws. Mirsky (2011), in the first sentence of his review of “Cultivating Global Citizens: Population in the Rise of China” (Greenhalgh 2010), notes that the author “starts out by attacking the West’s ‘master narrative’ about the one-child policy: A cruel communist state suppresses the reproductive desires of the Chinese people. Then she proceeds to show that this is an accurate reading of the reality.”
Johnson’s vignettes dislodged long-dormant memories from my first field survey in Vietnam in 1993, during which I accompanied interviewers to the homes of some interviewees and often found myself becoming the subject of observation. One interview in a rural northern village in the Red River Delta was with a gentleman several years older than I, who seemed to breathe with some difficulty. He offered tea, as many interviewees would. About halfway into the interview, he suddenly dissolved into tears and wept quietly throughout much of what remained, dutifully answering questions about marital status, his ideal numbers of children, ancestral altars, and the like, yet interjecting periodically “tai sao quan trong” (why is this important?). It became clear without saying that coming face to face with an American took him back somewhere. After we were finished, as I thanked him and prepared to leave from his front doorstep, he did something unexpected. He stood straight up and saluted me. I did the same back, and then had to leave him to his memories.
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This reply refers to the comments available at [https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0658-7], [https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0660-0], and [https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0662-y] as well as the note [https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0659-6].
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Goodkind, D. If Science Had Come First: A Billion Person Fable for the Ages (A Reply to Comments). Demography 55, 743–768 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0661-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-018-0661-z