Abstract
Radical “Westernizing” transformations in extra-European countries, from Peter I’s Russia to Meiji Japan, are traditionally presented as a response to pressures from the more militarily and technologically advanced European powers. This corresponds to the general tendency to view war as the driving force behind early modern state-building. However, the question remains: how exactly did such transformations happen, and what explains their timing? Why did some countries, such as Russia, embark on radical institutional restructuring that threatened large sections of the traditional military classes in the absence of any obvious existential threat, while in others even clear and immediate dangers failed to ignite a full-scale “Westernization”? This article seeks to complicate the “bellicist” narrative of “Westernizing” transformations and to generalize about the role of elite conflict in propelling “self-strengthening” reforms. It argues that “Westernizations” in extra-European polities were enabled by breakdown of domestic political balance and driven by “challengers” emerging in the course of these conflicts, as they strove to maximize their power. Factional struggles accompanying “Westernizations” are interpreted here not as a conservative reaction against reforms, but as a process that preceded and enabled institutional restructuring.
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Notes
Note that the numerous works that apply Tilly’s approach to a variety of regions from Europe to Asia, Africa, and Latin America, including today’s developing world, qualify the “war made the state” thesis and point to cases when war did not result in centralization and state-building. They explain this diversity of outcomes, however, either by offering a more nuanced definition of “external pressure,” or, more often, by referring to a variety of structural conditions, from constitutional arrangements to ethnic homogeneity (e.g., Downing 1992; Ertman 1997; Centeno 2002; Hui 2005; Thies 2004; Thies 2005; Taylor and Botea 2008; and others). Even though some of these authors do turn their attention to the role of internal politics in this process, they tend to take cleavages within the elites as de facto exogenous.
The difference between my approach here and the one offered by Jack A. Goldstone in his magisterial study of state breakdown in the early modern world, though, is that he views this competition as produced by tensions created by long-term demographic pressures resulting in scarcity of “elite jobs,” while I focus on the specifics of the political process that allowed these splits to play out. Obviously, these two approaches might, in fact, be complementary.
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Acknowledgments
Work on this article was funded by the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics. I wish to thank Vladimir Gel’man, Sergei Guriev, Andrei Zorin, Samuel A. Greene, Daniel Treisman, Tracy K. Dennison, Aleksandr Kamenskii, Yuval Weber, Andrei Yakovlev, Kirill Rogov, and Jack A. Goldstone, as well as the participants of seminars at the European University in St Petersburg, King’s College London, HSE (Moscow), Urals Federal University, Duke University, and RANEPA (Moscow) for their perceptive criticism and comments on earlier versions of this article. Natalia Nemtseva and Dandan Chen provided valuable technical support, and Thomas Lloyd edited the final version.
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Fedyukin, I. “Westernizations” from Peter I to Meiji: war, political competition, and institutional change. Theor Soc 47, 207–231 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-018-9313-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-018-9313-y