Abstract
Formation processes are all too infrequently addressed by archaeologists excavating in Mesoamerica. This paper examines refuse disposal patterns from the site of Cuauhtémoc on the Pacific coast of Chiapas, Mexico, to provide insight into how the site formed and how artifacts accumulated. This analysis uses materials dating between 1600–800 BCE which encompass the centuries before, during and after the late Early Formative or Early Olmec period (i.e., 1250–900 BCE). First, I employ sherds and daub from shared open-air middens and trash-filled pits to explore trash deposit formation through the 800 years that the site was occupied. Next, I use these same classes of data to make synchronic comparisons between five different depositional contexts dating to the Conchas phase (900–800 BCE). For all phases, these analyses demonstrate that pit features received more debris than open-air middens and that material in the latter contexts were more broken up. Further, the low density of daub from late Early Formative period contexts suggests that distinctive architectural customs may have been practised during this time. Conchas phase refuse indicates that waste disposal locations physically separated an elite residential zone from the rest of society and that elite contexts were more intensively used. Accounting for the formation of archaeological deposits allows for more nuanced interpretations of this early Mesoamerican village.
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Notes
Uncalibrated radiocarbon years before the Common Era (BCE) are used throughout this paper in order to maintain consistency with the published literature. Phase limits follow Clark and Cheetham (2005), which updates Blake et al. (1995). Calibrating these dates will move them back by a century or two, so, for example, the Barra phase begins at 1900 cal. B.C. rather than 1600 BCE in radiocarbon years. For the purpose of this paper, the most important factor is the relative chronology. The relative sequence of these phases has been well established, and so the sequence of developments here remains unchanged regardless of calibration to precise calendar years.
Some of the smaller pieces of daub documented at Cuauhtémoc could be burnt clay. While much of what I call daub is large and contains wood and grass impressions (see inset in Fig. 16), I cannot be absolutely sure that the smaller, more eroded fragments are not small pieces of burnt clay. For the purpose of this paper, however, such distinctions are not crucial as both classes of data were part of the debris from domestic contexts and similar post-depositional forces would have acted on both burnt clay and daub.
I refer to construction fill as being in tertiary context. South (1977:297) refers to these types of deposits as “displaced refuse” and Schiffer (1987:111) observes that they represent a “specialized kind of scavenging” that require special consideration. The collection of large quantities of material for architectural construction projects creates a class of deposits not often considered by those who study formation processes and work with hunter-gatherers or early horticultural groups. Some trash could be incorporated directly into construction fill as it was produced, and so not spend time in midden deposits. Or, trash in provisional discard locations could be transported directly to the location of mound building activities. However, these sources of material were likely not the primary source of construction fill. Mound building was an episodic activity and, when it occurred, would have required substantial quantities of fill. Therefore, nearby soils would likely have been mined to minimize transport efforts so that the middens surrounding the site would have been collected. Construction fill was thus systematically transported more than secondary midden deposits (which themselves are usually transported more than once). Tertiary contexts such as construction fill are thus defined as having been moved more often and thus the artifacts contained within these deposits exposed to more mechanical attrition. Such tertiary contexts are particularly relevant to sedentary societies that build large mounds and occupy the same site for centuries or millennia. Schiffer (1987:124) notes that: “in intensively occupied settlements…whose boundaries are constrained by cultural or natural barriers, one would expect that any earthmoving processes would have a greater probability of encountering previously deposited materials. This effect is intensified in settlements with considerable longevity...” Schiffer is describing precisely the situation at Cuauhtémoc and most sites excavated by Mesoamerican archaeologists.
Recently, in the Mazatán zone of the Soconusco, four Cherla and Cuadros phase interments were encountered at the site of Cantón Corralito (Cheetham 2006). Future work at this important site will hopefully raise the total number even higher. One of these interments dated to the Cuadros phase was placed in the ground surrounded by 12 greenstone axes. While this feature could be interpreted as either a burial or a sacrifice it is the only known Cuadros phase interment of human bones with associated offerings.
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Acknowledgments
The field work reported here was conducted under a series of permits issued by the INAH Consejo de Arqueología. Financial support for the excavation and analysis reported here were provided by the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., the New World Archaeological Foundation (NWAF), the Yale Council of International and Area Studies, a Fulbright-Hayes Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellowship and a Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) Doctoral Fellowship. Special thanks are extended to Artemio Villatoro Alvarado for his hard work directing the recording of data reported here and to John Clark (Director of the NWAF) for logistical and curatorial support. The constructive and thoughtful comments of five reviewers are gratefully acknowledged as are those of Philip Arnold and Robert Kruger. This paper was written while the author held a SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellowship at the University of Montreal and was presented in a discussion group organized by Philip Arnold at the 71st Annual Meetings of the Society for American Archaeology in San Juan, Puerto Rico, 2006. Finally, thanks are extended to James Savelle who directed me to explore how post-depositional processes mediate the interpretation of archaeological data when I was just starting out (Rosenswig 1994).
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Rosenswig, R.M. Early Mesoamerican Garbage: Ceramic and Daub Discard Patterns from Cuauhtémoc, Soconusco, Mexico. J Archaeol Method Theory 16, 1–32 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-008-9060-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-008-9060-x