Abstract
Behavioural law and economics has established a burgeoning research agenda investigating the impact of bias and heuristics on legal decision-making. One of the most important behavioural contributions concerns the impact of framing on choice. The present article expands this line of scholarship by developing a novel hypothesis under which lawyers’ attachment to objectivity and neutrality is assumed to militate against frames challenging the profession’s underlying norms. More specifically, the “apolitical hypothesis” expects the attachment of legally irrelevant political motivation to legal arguments to decrease their attractiveness. The hypothesis is tested in an experimental setting accounting for a varying degree of legal indeterminacy in the domain of European Union law. The experimental results show support for the hypothesis: a political frame made law students 12–24% more likely to select the “apolitical” legal option.
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Notes
The rule of law is, among others, listed in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union. That serious value can be attached to this principle by various actors is illustrated by the ongoing legal and political contestation between the European Commission and EU Member States (notably Poland and Hungary).
Lasser (2004, 62) talks about a bifurcation in the French Civil Law system between an official formalist discourse—the one of importance for the apolitical hypothesis—and an “unofficial social responsiveness debate”, and contrasts this with the way American judicial opinions combine formalist and policy discourses.
The idea of a “pure” law has a strong pedigree in the legal-positivist imagination (Kelsen 1934).
See Article 33 of Law No 2019–222 of 23 March 2019 on programming period 2018–2022 and justice reform.
According to prospect theory, the underlying decision-making process proceeds in two steps: in the first phase, the subject scans the decision problem, including its framing, which is “controlled by the manner in which the choice problem is presented as well as by norms, habits, and expectancies”. Second, the framed choices are evaluated, and the most valuable option selected (Tversky and Kahneman 1986, 257).
The emphasis on legal equivalence is important here. The hypothesis tries to tap into pitfalls in paradigmatic legal behaviour rather than claiming that the political treatment does not affect the subject in some other way. The argument tackles the assumed ability of lawyers to decide purely on the basis of the law.
The law school produces the bulk of the country’s lawyers and judges, which should add to the experiment’s external validity.
Four sessions with 22 students on average were run. Their median age was 22 and the majority of them were female (68%).
Typical bones of contention concern the extent to which the European Parliament must be involved in the legislative process and whether the Council adopts the law by unanimity or qualified majority.
Note the incidental support for the theoretical motivation of the apolitical hypothesis in the scholarly work of legal academics on choice of legal basis.
Case C-300/89 Commission v Council (Titanium Dioxide) [1991] ECLI:EU:C:1991:244, para 10.
The real-world sources drawn from were Directive (EU) 2011/82 for legislation A and Directive (EU) 2017/2455 for legislation B.
Directive (EU) 2015/413 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 March 2015 facilitating cross-border exchange of information on road-safety-related traffic offences [2015] OJ L68/9.
The concept of centre of gravity entails determining which substantive aspect of a law is the most prominent, and thus decisive for the choice of legal basis.
The provision starts with “Save where otherwise provided in the Treaties, the following provisions shall apply [...]”.
As regards more general legal bases, such as Article 114(1) TFEU, being subsidiary to more specific powers, see among others Case C-131/87 Commission of the European Communities v Council of the European Communities [1989] ECLI:EU:C:1989:581 and Case C-22/96 European Parliament v Council of the European Union [1998] ECLI:EU:C:1998:258.
Specifying prior expectations as precisely as possible—even in the absence of much information—aids research transparency. The prior is of lesser importance in this case due to the novelty of the experimental design but setting measurable standards arguably fosters good research practices. The posterior distributions from this experiment in turn lay the foundation for priors in future work in this area.
The experiment was not designed to address the objection put forward by Druckman (2001) that framing effects are diminished outside laboratory conditions where subjects can exchange and have access to credible information.
The logarithmic transformation of the likelihood function \(L(\pi |x)={\frac{n!}{(n-x)!x!}}\pi ^x(1-\pi )^{n-x}\) is done merely out of computational convenience.
The \(\theta \) parameter of the control likelihood functions can be compared to the working prior expected probabilities attached to each outcome under different ambiguity conditions of the two scenarios. Only the observed (posterior) \(\theta \) of the control functions is important for the analysis of the results but the Appendix discusses the discrepancy between expected and observed probabilities as a measure of performance of the experimental design (Fig. 1).
In this equation h is directed and a positive sign shows the positive effect of the treatment.
Given doubts about the underlying normality assumption of the Z-statistic for our data (notably scenario B), non-parametric tests add robustness to the analysis. These include Fisher’s exact probability test, Barnard’s test, Pearson’s chi-squared test and a G-test. They should all yield similar p-values when testing for between-group difference. The difference between Fisher’s and Barnard’s test is that Fisher’s test uses fixed margins, while Barnard’s test allows for random margins.
The level of ambiguity is in statistical terms a hyperparameter defining the underlying binomial distribution of outcomes in the control group.
p-values in Fisher’s exact test are computed using factorials as \(p= \frac{( a + b ) !\ ( c + d ) !\ ( a + c ) !\ ( b + d ) !\ }{a !\ b !\ c !\ d !\ N !}\) where \(\{a,b,c,d\}\) are the four quadrants of a \(2\times 2\) contingency matrix of individual frequencies and N is the total number of observations.
At 5% ambiguity, 2 participants in the control group choose the unlikely option, while at 50% ambiguity 25 choose each. So \(10 - 2 = 8; 36 - 25 = 11; 11 - 8 = 3\).
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The author gratefully acknowledges financial support from European Research Council Grant No. 638154 (EUTHORITY).
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Appendix
Appendix
1.1 Design performance
Due to the novel character of the hypothesis and the original design of the experiment, a degree of uncertainty concerning the intended performance of the conditions was inevitable. The design entailed notably the operationalization of legal ambiguity (indeterminacy) to get a better sense of the limits of the framing effect under investigation. Figure 3 illustrates the difference between intended and observed design performance in the control group. The design predicted a slightly higher number of successes in both scenarios. Importantly, the experiment has borne out the intention to distinguish an indeterminate from a relatively determinate legal problem. Moreover, while the latter scenario was predicted to serve as a litmus test of the political frame, it in fact proved the more sensitive instrument to measure the framing effect; a part of the reason why was that scenario B turned out even more legally determinate in practice than anticipated.
1.2 Materials
The following materials were used in the experiment: (1) a textbook-like sheet intended to aid learning about the relevant ECJ doctrine; (2) text of legislation A and B; and (3) texts of relevant Treaty articles.
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Ovádek, M. The apolitical lawyer: experimental evidence of a framing effect. Eur J Law Econ 48, 385–415 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-019-09632-7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-019-09632-7