Abstract
Objectives
Examine relationships between routine activities, character contests in the form of “signifying,” and general delinquency and fighting in a street gang context.
Methods
Samejima’s (Estimation of latent ability using a response pattern of graded scores. Psychometrika monograph supplement 17. Psychometric Society, Richmond, VA, Retrieved 10 Aug 2011, from http://www.psychometrika.org/journal/online/MN17.pdf, 1969) graded response models and multilevel ordinal logistic regression models are estimated using data from Short and Strodtbeck (Group process and gang delinquency. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1965) study of street gangs in Chicago, 1959–1962. The primary sample consists of 490 boys representing 10 black gangs, 4 white gangs, 9 black lower-class groups, 4 white lower-class groups, 2 black middle-class groups, and 2 white middle-class groups.
Results
Unstructured and unsupervised socializing with peers significantly increased the likelihood of delinquency among the boys and explained a significant portion of the group-level gang effect. In addition, the more time the boys spent hanging in the streets and attending parties, the more likely they were to participate in signifying, which, in turn, increased their risk of fighting.
Conclusions
Findings provide evidence that gangs contribute to delinquency partly through their effect on the routine activities of members. Findings also suggest that signifying is an important mechanism by which unstructured and unsupervised socializing with peers leads to violence.
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Notes
Felson’s (1986) theoretical elaboration includes a “handler” element extending the operation of social control to non-predatory offenses, but Osgood and colleagues reject its focus on individual-level social bonding in favor of a purely situational approach.
In Weerman’s (2011) study, changes in time spent with peers failed to predict subsequent changes in delinquency among middle school students in the Netherlands. However, a composite measure of street-oriented activities, including time spent hanging out, emerged as a statistically significant predictor.
Detached workers were referred to as such because their jobs involved working with youth on the streets, detached from traditional building-centered offices and programs.
In Gates’ view (1988, 69, 75; see also Abrahams 1962; Berdie 1947; Caponi 1999; Dollard 1939; Labov 1972a, b, Kochman 1972, 1983, Goodwin, 1982a, b), signifying is “the trope of all tropes in the black vernacular,” an “adult ritual, which black people learn as adolescents.” Short and Strodtbeck’s (1965) discovery that more than half of the white gang members signified thus was perhaps more remarkable than the observed difference between white and black gang members (see also Everhart 1983).
See Lee (2009) for a contemporary example in Los Angeles.
Short and Strodtbeck (1965) discuss the care with which the reliability of responses to such instruments was enhanced. The full set of research procedures and the number of boys in each category are found on pages 21–22 of their book, Group Process and Gang Delinquency.
To check the logical consistency of responses, each boy was presented with the same 22 items a second time and asked to indicate the importance of each one to him personally. Response options ranged from 0 (“I don’t do this at all”) to 4 (“I would not give up this activity; it is too important to me”). Following Short and Strodtbeck (1965, 166), we excluded from our analyses individual cases with obviously patterned responses or inconsistencies between reported frequency of involvement and rated degree of importance—i.e., boys were eliminated if they indicated they never participated in an activity but then rated this activity as highly important (n = 42).
The term “aleatory risk” refers to the probability of “joining the action” versus “remaining aloof” as the outcome of a utility calculation in which status within the gang is weighed against the more remote possibility of formal punishment (Short and Strodtbeck 1965, 248–257).
Following Osgood et al. (1996, 642), we excluded work and school items “as reflecting commitment to conventional lines of action” rather than structured routine activities.
Vast differences existed between white and black boys, especially lower-class respondents, in access to cars. Compared to black boys, having access to their own or friends’ automobiles was more common among white boys, as was the goal of obtaining a car.
For a 3-level logit model, the expression for the intraclass correlation is \(\frac{{\sigma_{{u_{0} }}^{2} }}{{\sigma_{{u_{0} }}^{2} + \sigma_{r}^{2} + {\raise0.7ex\hbox{$\pi $} \!\mathord{\left/ {\vphantom {\pi 3}}\right.\kern-0pt} \!\lower0.7ex\hbox{$3$}}}}\).
No statistically significant difference was observed between within- and between-group effects, indicating that model estimates would be most efficient with grand-mean centering (see Raudenbush and Bryk 2002, 138) and that there was no compositional effect in which higher group mean levels of unstructured and unsupervised socializing increased the risk of delinquency independently of their person-level effects.
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Hughes, L.A., Short, J.F. Partying, Cruising, and Hanging in the Streets: Gangs, Routine Activities, and Delinquency and Violence in Chicago, 1959–1962. J Quant Criminol 30, 415–451 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10940-013-9209-y
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