Skip to main content
Log in

Impersonal indexicals: one, you, man, and du

  • Original Paper
  • Published:
The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

Impersonal pronouns are pervasive in the world’s languages; boundaries between personal and impersonal paradigms are porous. Thus, in many languages, 2nd-person pronouns can be impersonal (i), and vary under the influence of quantificational adverbs like always and rarely.

  1. (i)

    In those days, you always/usually/rarely lived to be 60.

Additionally, dedicated impersonal pronouns may have a special association with the speaker, as argued for English one (Safir 2004; Moltmann 2006, 2010) and German man (Kratzer 1997) (ii).

  1. (ii)
    1. a.

      One can see this picture from the entrance. (from Moltmann 2006)

    2. b.

      Es war klar, dass man sich nie mehr wiedersehen würde.

      It was clear that man REFL never again see.again would

      ‘It was clear that we will never see each other again.’ (from Kratzer 1997)

This paper presents a comparative investigation of the interpretation of impersonal pronouns in English and German, each of which shows signs of both indexicality and impersonal, variable interpretation. The analysis places these pronouns within the pronominal paradigms of English and German, presenting a novel combination of independently-motivated type-shifting mechanisms (Pustejovsky 1995) and an expansion of the general theory of pronominal features (Kratzer 2009). I argue that distinct elements in the semantics of the items are responsible for the varying impersonal and the indexical behaviours. This is a step towards understanding the processes that take pronouns from the personal to the impersonal category, or back.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Similar content being viewed by others

References

  • Alonso-Ovalle, L. 2002. Arbitrary pronouns are not that indefinite. In Proceedings of Going Romance 2000, ed. C. Beyssade, R. Bok-Bennema, F. Drijkoningen, and P. Monachesi, 1–14. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

    Google Scholar 

  • Anand, P. 2005. Response to Malamud (2005). (Presented at LSA workshop context and content—topics in formal pragmatics. Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.)

  • Anand, P., and A. Nevins. 2004. Shifty operators in changing contexts: indexicals in zazaki and slave. In Proceedings of SALT 14, ed. R.B. Young, 20–37. Ithaca: CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Asher, N. 2006. Things and their aspects. Philosophical Issues 16: 1–20.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Asher, N., and J. Pustejovsky. 2006. A type composition logic for generative lexicon. Journal of Cognitive Science 6: 1–38.

    Google Scholar 

  • Barker, C., and C-c Shan. 2008. Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding. Semantics and Pragmatics 1: 1–46.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Beaver, D., I. Francez, and D. Levinson. 2005. Bad subject: (Non-)canonicality and NP distribution in existentials. In Proceedings of SALT 15, ed. E. Georgala and J. Howell. Ithaca: CLC Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Benveniste, É. 1966. Problèmes de linguistique générale, 1. Paris: Gallimard.

    Google Scholar 

  • Berman, S. 1987. Situation-based semantics for adverbs of quantification. In University of Massachusetts occasional papers in linguistics 12, ed. J. Blevins and A. Vainikka. GLSA: Amherst.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cabredo-Hofherr, P. 2002. Arbitrary readings of 3pl pronominals. In Proceedings of Sinn und bedeutung VII, ed. M. Weisgerber. Germany: University of Konstanz.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cabredo-Hofherr, P. 2004. Impersonal pronouns in Somali, French and German. (Paper presented at Syntax of the World’s Languages (SWL 1), Leipzig, Germany. Retrieved from http://email.eva.mpg.de/~cschmidt/SWL1/handouts/Cabredo.pdf)

  • Cabredo-Hofherr, P. 2010. Binding properties of impersonal human pronouns in generic and episodic contexts. (Paper presented at Workshop on impersonal human pronouns, UMR 7023 Structures formelles du langage CNRS/Université Paris-8, Paris, France. Retrieved from http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/Programme,882.html)

  • Chierchia, G. 1989. Anaphora and attitudes de se. In Language in context, ed. R. Bartsch, J. van Benthem, and P. van Emde Boas. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chierchia, G. 1995a. The variability of impersonal subjects. In Quantification in natural languages, ed. E. Bach, E. Jelinek, A. Kratzer, and B.H. Partee, 107–143. Boston: Kluwer.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Chierchia, G. 1995b. Dynamics of meaning: anaphora, presupposition, and the theory of grammar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chierchia, G. 1998. Reference to kinds across languages. Natural Language Semantics 6(4): 339–405.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Chierchia, G. 2000. Chinese conditionals and the theory of conditionals. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 9: 1–54.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, N. 1981. Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Collins, C., and Postal, P. (2008). Imposters. Ms. New York University. Retrieved March 20, 2010 from lingBuzz website: http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000640

  • Collins, C., and P. Postal. 2012. Imposters: a study of pronominal agreement. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cooper, R. 2007. Copredication, dynamic generalized quantification and lexical innovation by coercion. (In Proceedings of GL2007, Fourth International Workshop on Generative Approaches to the Lexicon, retrieved from http://www.ling.gu.se/~cooper/records/copredinnov.pdf)

  • D’Alessandro, R., and Alexiadou, A. 2003. Inclusive and exclusive impersonal pronouns: a feature-geometrical analysis. Paper presented at IGG XXIX, Urbino, Italy. Retrieved from http://webhost.ua.ac.be/apil/apil107/file09.PDF

  • de Swart, H. 1991. Adverbs of quantification: A generalized quantifier approach. Dissertation: Groningen University.

    Google Scholar 

  • de Swart, H. 1995. Quantifcation over time. In Quantifiers, logic, and language, ed. J. van der Does and J. van Eijck. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dekker, P. 1990. ‘Existential disclosure’. ITLI prepublication, University of Amsterdam

  • Diesing, M. 1992. Indefinites. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Egerland, V. 2003. Impersonal pronouns in Scandinavian and romance. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 71: 75–102.

    Google Scholar 

  • Elbourne, P. 2002. Situations and individuals. Dissertation, MIT, reprinted as Elbourne, P. 2005. Situations and individuals. (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press)

  • Embick, D., and R. Noyer. 2006. Distributed morphology and the syntax/morphology interface. In The Oxford handbook of linguistic interfaces, ed. G. Ramchand and C. Reiss. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Farkas, D. 1990. Two cases of underspecification in morphology. Linguistic Inquiry 21: 539–550.

    Google Scholar 

  • Felser, C., and L. Rupp. 2001. Expletives as arguments: Germanic existential sentences revisited. Linguistische Berichte 187: 289–324.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fine, K. 1982. Acts, events, and things. In Sprache und Ontologie: Proceedings of the Eighth Wittgenstein Symposium, eds. W. Leinfellner et al., 97–105. Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky.

  • Geach, P.T. 1962. Reference and generality. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gordon, R.M. 1986. Folkpsychology as simulation. Mind and Language 1: 158–171.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Grewendorf, G. 1989. Ergativity in German. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Groenendijk, J., and Stokhof, M. 1990. Dynamic montague grammar, In Papers from the second symposium on logic and language, ed. Kalman L and Plos L. Akadémiai Kaidó.

  • Grosz, B., A. Joshi, and S. Weinstein. 1995. Centering: a framework for modelling local coherence of discourse. Computational Linguistics 21: 203–225.

    Google Scholar 

  • Halle, M. 1997. Distributed morphology: impoverishment and fission. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 30: 425–449.

    Google Scholar 

  • Harley, H., and E. Ritter. 2002. A feature-geometric analysis of person and number. Language 78: 482–526.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Heim, I. 1982. The semantics of definite and indefinite noun phrases. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. (Published 1988) in Outstanding dissertations in linguistics, New York: Garland.

  • Heim, I. 1990. E-type pronouns and donkey anaphora. Linguistics and Philosophy 13(2): 137–177.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Honcoop, M. 1998. Dynamic excursions on weak islands. Leiden: Dissertation.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jaeggli, O. 1986. Arbitrary plural pronominals. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 4: 43–76.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Joshi, A., and Kuhn, S. 1979. Centered logic: The role of entity centered sentence representation in natural language inferencing. In Proceedings of the 6th International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence (pp. 435–439).

  • Kallulli, D. 2007. Rethinking the passive/anticausative distinction. Linguistic Inquiry 38(4): 770–780.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kamp, H. 1981. A theory of truth and semantic representation. In J. Groenendijk, T. Janssen & M. Stokhof (Eds.), Formal methods in the study of language (pp. 277–322). Amsterdam: Mathematic Center Tract 135. (Reprinted in J. Groenendijk, T. Janssen & M. Stokhof (Eds.), Truth, interpretation, and information (pp.1-41). Dordrecht: Foris.)

  • Kaplan, D. 1989. Demonstratives. In Themes from Kaplan, ed. J. Almog, J. Perry, and H. Wettstein, 481–563. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Keller, P. 2004. Qua qua qua. (Paper presented at the Geneva graduate school on abstract entities, 6th of June, Geneva, Switzerland.)

  • Kitagawa, C., and A. Lehrer. 1990. Impersonal uses of personal pronouns. Journal of Pragmatics 14: 739–759.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Koenig, J.-P. 1999. On a tué le président! the nature of passives and ultra-indefinites. In Cognition and function in language, ed. B. Fox, D. Jurafsky, and L. Michaelis, 256–272. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Koenig, J.-P., and G. Mauner. 1999. A-definites and the semantics of implicit arguments. Journal of Semantics 16: 207–236.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kratzer, A. 1997. German impersonal pronouns and logophoricity. (Paper presented at Sinn und Bedeutung II. Berlin, Germany. Retrieved June 28, 2010 from the Semantics Archive http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/WViZTE1M/Impersonal%20Pronouns%20&%20Logophoricity.pdf)

  • Kratzer, A. 2009. Making a pronoun: fake indexicals as windows into the properties of pronouns. Linguistic Inquiry 40: 187–237.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Laberge, S. 1977. Étude de la variation des pronoms sujets définis et indéfinis dans le français parlé à Montréal. Dissertation: Université de Montréal.

    Google Scholar 

  • Laberge, S., and G. Sankoff. 1979. Anything you can do. In Syntax and semantics, volume 12: discourse and syntax, ed. T. Givon, 419–440. New York: Academic.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lebeaux, D. 1984. Anaphoric binding and the definition of PRO. In C. Jones and P. Sells (Eds.), Proceedings of NELS 14 (pp. 252–274). University of Massachusetts, Amherst: GLSA

  • Leslau, W. 1995. A reference grammar of Amharic. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lewis, D.K. 1971. Counterparts of persons and their bodies. The Journal of Philosophy 68: 203–211.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lewis, D.K. 1975. Adverbs of quantification. In Formal semantics of natural language, ed. E.L. Keenan, 3–15. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Lewis, D.K. 1979. Attitudes de dicto and de se. Philosophical Review 88: 513–543.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lewis, D.K. 2003. Things qua truthmakers. In Real metaphysics—essays in honour of D.H.Mellor, ed. H. Lillehammer and G. Rodríguez-Pereyra, 25–38. London: Routledge.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lockwood, W.B. 1968. Historical German syntax. Oxford: Clarendon.

    Google Scholar 

  • Malamud, S. 2005. Arbitrary monsters: you and one. Paper presented at LSA workshop context and content—topics in formal pragmatics. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.

    Google Scholar 

  • Malamud, S. 2006. Semantics and pragmatics of arbitrariness. Dissertation: University of Pennsylvania.

    Google Scholar 

  • Malamud, S. in prep. (In)definiteness-driven typology of arbitrary items. Unpublished manuscript. Retrieved April 29, 2005 from Brandeis University website: http://people.brandeis.edu/~smalamud/malamud-vol.pdf

  • Moltmann, F. 1997. Parts and wholes in semantics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Moltmann, F. 2006. Generic one, arbitrary PRO, and the first person. Natural Language Semantics 14: 257–281.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Moltmann, F. 2010. Generalizing detached self-reference and the semantics of generic one. Mind and Language 25(4): 440–473.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Myhill, J. 1997. Toward a functional typology of agent defocusing. Linguistics 35: 799–844.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Nakanishi, K., and M. Romero. 2003. Two constructions with most and their semantic properties. In Proceedings of NELS 34 at SUNY Stony Brook, ed. K. Moulton and M. Wolf, 453–468. University of Massachusetts at Amherst: GLSA.

    Google Scholar 

  • Neale, S. 1990. Descriptions. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Partee, B.H. 1986. Noun phrase interpretation and type-shifting principles. In Studies in discourse representation theory and the theory of generalized quantifiers, ed. J. Groenendijk, D. de Jongh, and M. Stokhof. Dordrecht: Foris.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pesetsky, D., and E. Torrego. 2001. T-to-C: causes and consequences. In Ken Hale: a life in language, ed. M. Kenstowicz, 355–426. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Potts, C. 2005. The logic of conventional implicatures. Oxford studies in theoretical linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Prince, E.F. 2003. The Yiddish impersonal pronoun me(n) ‘one’: a Centering analysis. (Presented at the Annual Meeting of the LSA. Atlanta.)

  • Prince, E.F. 2006. Impersonal pronouns in French and Yiddish: semantic reference vs. discourse reference. In Drawing the boundaries of meaning: Neo-gricean studies in pragmatics and semantics in honor of Laurence R. Horn, ed. B. Birner and G. Ward, 295–315. Philadelphia/Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pustejovsky, J. 1995. The generative lexicon. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pustejovsky, J. 2007. Type theory and lexical decomposition. (In P. Bouillon and C. Lee (Eds.), Trends in Generative Lexicon Theory. Kluwer Publishers (in press).)

  • Safir, K. 2004. What does one mean when one says it? (Presented at Harvard-MIT-UConn Indexicality Workshop. 11/19/2004, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA.)

  • Schlenker, P. 2003. A plea for monsters. Linguistics and Philosophy 26: 29–120.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Schütze, C.T. 1997. INFL in child and adult language: Agreement, case, and licensing. Dissertation, MIT.

  • Siewierska, A. 2008. Impersonalization from a subject-centred vs. Agent-centred perspective. Transactions of the Philological Society 106: 1–23.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Sigurðsson, H.Á. 1991. Icelandic case-marked PRO and the licensing of lexical arguments. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9: 327–363.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Suñer, M. 1983. Pro arb. Linguistic Inquiry 14: 188–191.

    Google Scholar 

  • von Fintel, K. 1995. A minimal theory of adverbial quantification. In Context dependence in the analysis of linguistic meaning, ed. B. Partee and H. Kamp, 153–193. Stuttgart/Prague: IMS Stuttgart Working Papers.

    Google Scholar 

  • Walker, M., Joshi, A., and Prince, E.F. (Eds). 1998. Centering theory in discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  • Yip, M., J. Maling, and R. Jackendoff. 1987. Case in tiers. Language 63: 217–250.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Zeijlstra, H., and Aalberse, S. 2008. The semantic (un)markedness of pronominal features. (Paper presented at Workshop on Markedness and Underspecification in the Morphology and Semantics of Agreement (MUMSA). Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. March 1, 2008.)

  • Zifonun, G. 2000. Man lebt nur einmal. Morphosyntax und Semantik des Pronomens man. Deutsche Sprache 28: 232–253.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Sophia A. Malamud.

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Cite this article

Malamud, S.A. Impersonal indexicals: one, you, man, and du . J Comp German Linguistics 15, 1–48 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-012-9047-6

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10828-012-9047-6

Keywords

Navigation