Abstract
The Still Bay (SB) and Howiesons Poort (HP) industries, endemic to southern Africa and dating to approximately 72–59 ka, have received a great deal of archaeological attention by virtue of their striking patterns of technology and their close association with some of the earliest unambiguously symbolic objects found in southern Africa. This paper reviews recent literature concerning SB and HP lithic assemblages, faunal remains, paleoenvironmental contexts, and chronological information. It argues that SB biface-dominated technology was designed to be multifunctional and to economize lithic raw material, a strategy well-suited to foragers moving frequently across a wide range of ecological zones in which access to resources and prey encounters were unpredictable. In contrast, HP blade-based tools, using backed blades as modular components in compound weapons, were efficient and reliable hunting weapons designed for specific tasks. More costly and difficult to maintain, HP technology resulted from the targeting of known, localized, and seasonal resources through planned logistical forays. We argue that these complicated patterns of innovation represent separate cultural responses to environmental instability during Marine Isotope Stage 4 and demographic pressures in southern Africa at this time. Against the backdrop of environmental and demographic shifts, the emergence of these innovative tools and associated symbolic objects reflects distinct but quintessentially modern cultural behaviors ethnographically associated with risk reduction, reciprocity, and information sharing.
Résumé
Les industries lithiques de Still Bay (SB) et de Howiesons Poort (HP), omniprésentes en Afrique australe et datant approximativement de 75–59 ka, ont reçu beaucoup d’attention de la part des archéologues en raison de leurs patterns technologiques frappant, ainsi qu’à leur association aux plus anciens objets symboliques trouvés dans cette région africaine. Cet article révise la littérature récente portant sur les assemblages lithiques et fauniques, les contextes paléoenvironnementaux, ainsi que les données chronologiques des industries SB et HP. L’article soutient que la technologie SB, dominée par les bifaces, fut créé pour être multifonctionnelle et pour économiser du matériel lithique brut; une stratégie bien adaptée à des groupes de chasseurs-cueilleurs se déplaçant fréquemment à travers différentes zones écologiques, où l'accès aux ressources et au gibier était imprévisible. Inversement, les outils laminaires HP, utilisant des lames supportées comme composants modulaires dans la fabrication d’armes composites, étaient spécifiquement fabriquées pour être des armes de chasse efficaces et fiables. Étant plus coûteuse et difficile à entretenir, la technologie HP fut le résultat d’une adaptation à des ressources bien connues, localisées et saisonnières, procurées le biais d’incursions logistiques planifiées. Nous soutenons que ces innovations technologiques complexes représentent des adaptations culturelles différentes, adaptées à l'instabilité environnementale du Marine Isotope Stage 4, ainsi qu’aux pressions démographiques ayant lieu en Afrique australe à cette période. Relativement à ces pressions environnementales et démographiques, l'émergence de ces outils innovateurs et de ces objets symboliques reflète des comportements distincts, mais parfaitement modernes, qui sont ethnographiquement associés à la réduction de risque, la réciprocité, et l'échange d’informations.
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Notes
We follow the definition offered by Henshilwood and Marean (2003: 635), that behavioral modernity is “behavior that is mediated by socially constructed patterns of symbolic thinking, actions, and communication that allow for material and information exchange and cultural continuity between and across generations and contemporaneous communities.” For some Paleolithic archeologists, the discovery of early symbolic objects in the African MSA and made by Neanderthals in the European Middle Paleolithic has warranted at minimum a clear decoupling of cultural modernity from biological modernity (Nowell 2010), or it has suggested that aspects of behavioral modernity may not be species-specific (d’Errico et al. 2001). Others have suggested that, as an analytical construct, behavioral modernity is fatally flawed at all epistemological levels and should be abandoned altogether (Shea 2011).
However, they are not the earliest examples of symbolic objects currently known. Modified ocher pieces are known from earlier levels at Blombos Cave, perhaps predating 100 ka (Henshilwood et al. 2011). Assefa et al. (2008) describe mollusc shell beads in the MSA of North Africa at Porc Epic cave, dating to around 82 ka, and Vanhaeren et al. (2006) report perforated marine shell beads from North Africa and Israel that may predate 100 ka.
Not everyone, however, is convinced by this evidence. For example, Sealy and Galimberti (2011) argue that shellfish sizes were also significantly influence by environmental differences between the Upper Pleistocene and Holocene, noting similar size decreases among non-food shellfish species.
It is also noteworthy that we were able to find seven SB and HP occurrences in a recent review of earlier archaeological surveys in Namibia carried out by geologist Henno Martin and amateur archaeologist Wolfgang Sydow. These also cross-cut a wide range of geographical contexts, including some extremely arid regions.
Such discussions frequently implicate the eruption of the Mt. Toba super volcano (Ambrose 1998).
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Acknowledgments
We wish to thank the editor and seven anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and patience with the revision of this paper. The discussion of faunal remains and shellfish benefited from correspondence with Jamie Clark and Antonieta Jerardino. We are grateful to Rachel Horowitz, Rebecca Taylor-Perryman, Anna Waterman, Ted Marks, and Sarah McCall for help in editing the manuscript. We thank Vanessa Nelson, James Enloe, and Maxime Lamoureaux-St. Hilaire for help in translating the French abstract. We also thank Paola Villa for the use of photographs in the composition of Fig. 2, and the Hunterian Museum, University of Glasgow, for use of the photo in Fig. 4. Any mistakes in this paper are, of course, our own.
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McCall, G.S., Thomas, J.T. Still Bay and Howiesons Poort Foraging Strategies: Recent Research and Models of Culture Change. Afr Archaeol Rev 29, 7–50 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10437-012-9107-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10437-012-9107-y