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Communication Studies and Rhetoric

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Handbook of Argumentation Theory

Abstract

This chapter is devoted to the American tradition of communication studies and rhetoric. In Sect. 8.2, the overview of the state of the art starts with a discussion of the role of argumentation in the debate tradition. Although argumentation theory is not yet part of this tradition, all kinds of concepts that were central in the early textbooks still play an important role in argumentation studies in the United States. This justifies paying attention to some of the pre-theoretical notions introduced in these textbooks.

In Sect. 8.3, the starting points for theorizing about argumentation are discussed that later on have been developed in communication studies. The literature concerned is characterized by much reflection on the issues considered to be most crucial to dealing with argumentation: What is argumentation? How does argumentation manifest itself? What is the relation of argumentation to logic, dialectic, and rhetoric? The answers to these questions serve in fact as preambles to the theorizing.

Sect. 8.4 concentrates on the first of the two branches that traditionally can be distinguished in communication studies: historical-political analysis, also known as rhetorical criticism. Sect. 8.5 provides an overview of the other branch, rhetorical theory, again with an emphasis on argumentation and rhetorical phenomena closely related to argumentation.

Sect. 8.6 discusses “argument fields” and “spheres of argumentation” – two important concepts that have been further developed after Toulmin first introduced the notion of argument fields. Sect. 8.7 concentrates on the relatively new research perspective of “normative pragmatics,” an approach that examines the norms playing a part in dealing with argumentation in actual argumentative practices. In Sect. 8.8, the role of argumentation in persuasion research is discussed. Finally, in Sect. 8.9, attention is paid to the study of argumentation in interpersonal communication.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Communication and rhetoric are related disciplines; some see them even as one and the same. In fact, communication theory is broader, ranging from interpersonal interaction to mass communication. Rhetoric has its roots in antiquity and is still firmly connected with these roots.

  2. 2.

    In the United States, the National Communication Association (NCA), founded in 1914, is the largest national organization to promote scholarship and education in communication and rhetoric. The American Forensic Association (AFA) concentrates in particular on academic debate programs. Together, NCA and AFA organize a Biennial summer conference in Alta, Utah. AFA’s journal Argumentation and Advocacy publishes articles on argumentation and debate. In other journals published by NCA, such as the Quarterly Journal of Speech and Communication Monographs, papers on argumentation appear also regularly.

  3. 3.

    During the first century of American colonization, education seemed dominated by the writings of Peter Ramus. By 1730 there was a turn to the classical tradition. Much later, under British influence, American rhetoric became fully Aristotelian. The first complete American rhetoric was that of John Witherspoon: “Based primarily on classical rhetoric, Witherspoon interpreted these principles [of rhetoric] in the light of the philosophy of his own time” (Guthrie 1954, p. 51). During the nineteenth century, there was considerable interest in public address. The English treatises dominating the field were those of John Ward, George Campbell, Hugh Blair, and Richard Whately (Guthrie 1954, p. 80).

  4. 4.

    Foster’s (1908) own handbook, Argumentation and Debating and Argumentation and Debate by Laycock and Scales (1904) are both highly influenced by Baker’s Principles of Argumentation.

  5. 5.

    According to Baker and Huntington (1905), conviction and persuasion are complementary, “one being the warp, the other the woof of argumentation” (p. 10). In the subtitle of a collection of essays on the relationship between dialectic and rhetoric, The Warp and Woof of Argumentation Analysis, van Eemeren and Houtlosser (2002) express much later a related view.

  6. 6.

    In later textbooks, a sharper distinction is made between evidence (the material argumentation is based on) and reasoning.

  7. 7.

    These forms or kinds of arguments can be seen as forerunners of the argument schemes. Concepts such as argumentation structures can hardly be found in argumentation and debate handbooks.

  8. 8.

    This interpretation of analogy comes close to Whately’s account. According to Whately (1963, p. 90), resemblances are not so much in the things themselves as in the relations of the things to other things.

  9. 9.

    In leaving out the argument from sign, Foster follows Baker and Huntington (1905, p. 56). Some of the later textbooks do include the argument from sign as a distinct type of argumentation.

  10. 10.

    The types of reasoning that are distinguished are very much like the types distinguished in Foster’s classification. Strikingly, like Foster, Freeley and Steinberg do not include the argument from authority in the classification of types of reasoning. They regard this as a type of evidence, exactly as Foster did.

  11. 11.

    This list of elements is certainly not complete; it is just given to show that, when it comes to the argumentative parts of debate instruction, not much has changed over time.

  12. 12.

    Stock issues are the issues that the affirmative side in a debate has to address in defense of the proposition.

  13. 13.

    The idea of using stock issues was introduced much earlier by Shaw (1916), who identified fourteen issues for propositions of policy. That list has since been reduced to the familiar four stock issues (problem, cause, cure, cost). See, for example, Mills (1964, pp. 65–68).

  14. 14.

    For a further discussion of these developments, see Rowell (1932), who places the pedagogical implications in clear perspective, and Howell (1940), who offers a historical examination. For a discussion of the relation of the stock issues with status theory, see Nadeau (1958) and Hultzen (1958).

  15. 15.

    Just like Brockriede and Ehninger, Hastings (1962) presented a typology of types of Toulmin warrants. His typology was later incorporated in the debate textbook by Windes and Hastings (1969).

  16. 16.

    Willard (1976) argued that in diagramming arguments, the mix of discursive and nondiscursive elements in argument is fundamentally misunderstood and too much credence is given to formal structure.

  17. 17.

    See, for example, Fadely (1967); Chesebro (1968, 1971); Lewinski et al. (1973); and Lichtman et al. (1973). An essay questioning some accepted distinctions is Zarefsky (1969).

  18. 18.

    See, for example, Kaplow (1981).

  19. 19.

    Representative articles include Lichtman and Rohrer (1980) and Zarefsky (1982). See also the special forum on Debate Paradigms of the Journal of the American Forensic Association, 18 (Winter, 1982).

  20. 20.

    See, for example, Dauber (1988) with regard to the nuclear strategic doctrine and Ivie (1987) with regard to American foreign policy.

  21. 21.

    In a Toulmin-like fashion, Brockriede argues that an inferential leap is necessary because in argumentation the premises do not entail the conclusion: “a person has little to argue about if the conclusion does not extend beyond the materials of an argument […]” (1992b, p. 75).

  22. 22.

    Wenzel believes that Brockriede offers a description of the kinds of situations where the study of argument will prove fruitful. He proposes to recast Brockriede’s description as follows: “The study of argument, however one construes it, is generally appropriate in situations where one or more members of a social group (i.e., persons who share a frame of reference) respond(s) to problems or uncertainties by advancing and justifying claims in order to facilitate decisions or choice among alternatives. Incidentally, among other features of interest, is the degree to which such arguers put themselves at risk” (1992, p. 122).

  23. 23.

    Hample (1992) proposes a third concept of argument: argument0. This is “the cognitive dimension of argument – the mental processes by which arguments occur within people” (p. 92). Hample maintains this is necessary because leaving out “a psychological-based understanding of argument would cause confusion, distortion, and superficiality at most” (p. 106). It is the arguer’s cognitive system that controls the meaning and therefore the outcomes of arguments (Hample 1977a, b, 1978, 1979a, b, 1980, 1981).

  24. 24.

    This conception of argumentation helps to organize the branches of the study of argumentation in communication and rhetoric, giving greater coherence to an otherwise disparate and diffuse field. It encompasses argumentation from “the personal” to “the cultural” and includes descriptive and normative dimensions.

  25. 25.

    Strictly, Wenzel does not make a distinction between three different kinds of argument: the three perspectives represent different ways of approaching argumentation.

  26. 26.

    Wenzel points at some pseudo-problems caused by using confusing notions like “rhetorical validity” by authors such as Farrell (1977) and McKerrow (1977), in which logical and rhetorical perspectives are confounded.

  27. 27.

    Making use of the rhetorical notions of enactment, embodiment, and evocation, Leff (2003) demonstrates in his analysis of Martin Luther King’s “Letter from Birmingham Jail” how these dimensions of rhetorical argumentation effectively enhance the persuasiveness of the text.

  28. 28.

    In other analyses, Zarefsky (1980) stresses the importance of dissociation and making distinctions in argumentative discourse. He explains Lyndon Johnson’s advocacy of affirmative action by dissociation of the phrase “equal opportunity.”

  29. 29.

    Lucaites and Condit (1999, p. 8) describe rhetorical theory from 1920 through 1960 as “an exercise in intellectual history.” Little nonclassical theorizing took place in the period before the Second World War.

  30. 30.

    After McBurney’s (1994) article was published, a popularized version of his theory has appeared in argumentation and debate handbooks.

  31. 31.

    Bitzer’s “The rhetorical situation” was included in the first issue of the new journal Philosophy and Rhetoric.

  32. 32.

    This view was further developed in Natanson and Johnstone Jr. (1965), and Johnstone Jr. (1970), and modified in Johnstone Jr. (1983). For an example of Johnstone Jr.’s early influence on argumentation scholarship, see Ehninger (1970).

  33. 33.

    Another influential scholar discussing in the relationship between rhetoric and truth was Thomas Farrell (1999), who developed a conception of “social knowledge” that stood in contrast to “technical knowledge.” He did not go as far as Scott, who believed that rhetoric was generally epistemic. Based on American pragmatism and the social theory of Habermas, Farrell maintained that social knowledge is essential to generating social cooperation: “Social knowledge comprises conceptions of symbolic relationships among problems, persons, interests, and actions, which imply (when accepted) certain notions of preferable public behavior” (1999, p. 142).

  34. 34.

    “Theories associated with Big Rhetoric are credited with popularizing or at least rationalizing what Herbert W. Simons (1990) calls the ‘rhetorical turn’ in a variety of disciplines” (Schiappa 2001, p. 260). In the conception of Big Rhetoric, virtually everything can be called rhetoric.

  35. 35.

    See, to name a few outstanding examples, Prelli (1989), Gross (1990), and the special issue on rhetoric of science of The Southern Communication Journal edited by Keith (1993).

  36. 36.

    For examples of such studies, see McCloskey (1985), Kellner (1989), Hunter (1990), and Simons (1990). This line of inquiry received a powerful boost from the 1984 conference The Rhetoric of the Human Sciences at the University of Iowa, the subsequent formation of the Project on Rhetoric of Inquiry (Poroi) at that institution, and the series of books on rhetoric in the human sciences published by the University of Wisconsin Press (see Nelson et al. 1987).

  37. 37.

    A relatively new area of research, which is still in a stage of development, is argumentation in visual communication. Cara Finnigan, for one, studies persuasive uses in photography. In Finnegan (2003), she focuses on arguing for claims about photographs’ relationship to truth or nature.

  38. 38.

    Zarefsky notes an extensive discussion at conferences on whether fields should be defined in terms of academic disciplines or in terms of broad-based worldviews (such as Marxism and behaviorism) (2012, p. 211).

  39. 39.

    For a collection of papers devoted to spheres of argument, see Gronbeck (1989).

  40. 40.

    See Goodnight (1980, 1982, 1987a, b).

  41. 41.

    Cf. these practices with the pragma-dialectical “communicative activity types” discussed in Sect. 10.9 of this volume.

  42. 42.

    Palczewski (2002), too, is worried about the loss of capacities of argument and reason to resolve conflicts. Following other feminist communication scholars, she critiques argument as overly violent and counterproductive. As an alternative to the war metaphors that are according to her predominant in argument, she offers the metaphor of argument as play, hoping that this will make argument more productive.

  43. 43.

    See Balthrop (1989), Biesecker (1989), Birdsell (1989), Dauber (1989), Holmquest (1989), Hynes (1989), Peters (1989), and Schiappa (1989).

  44. 44.

    Mandziuk (2011), for one, analyzes the use of memorials and antimemorials in arguments in the public sphere. In the complex realm of public discourse and argument, memorials are supposed to commemorate a particular thread of memory. Such statues, monuments, or other objects are designed and located in public to communicate a set of values and an official version of the past. Yet, in response to such public memorials, often art and objects are located or circulated that challenge the dominant discourse about history and remembrance. These “counter-memorials” – sometimes also called “antimemorials” or “countermonuments” – function as sites of contestation, locating arguments in the public sphere that seek to discount, amend, or reinscribe the past in alternative ways, thus directly challenging the idea that a single public memory is possible.

  45. 45.

    Jacobs favors the term normative pragmatics, which was coined by van Eemeren (1990), because it “cuts across the old distinctions between rhetoric and dialectic and because it insists on attention to the uses of argument in ordinary language […]. The term points to analytic practices that are empirical in much the same sense that the broader field of discourse studies is empirical: Our theories and principles ought to be accountable to the actual practices and intuitions of natural language users” (1998, p. 397).

  46. 46.

    In the term normative pragmatics, pragmatics refers to the study of language use by means of Gricean and Searlean pragmatic approaches. Because of its strong emphasis on pragmatic analysis, normative pragmatics has a lot of commonalities with pragma-dialectics. An important difference is that pragma-dialectics also includes a theoretically motivated evaluative approach of argumentation while normative pragmatics tends to stick to a descriptive approach to argumentative language use, without any external normative regulation.

  47. 47.

    Jacobs is not entirely against felicity conditions; he doubts whether there is a strict relationship between a set of felicity conditions and a category of speech acts.

  48. 48.

    In this respect, the approach favored in normative pragmatics is similar to the pragma-dialectical approach. There are a great many other similarities.

  49. 49.

    One such institutional context Jacobs is interested in is third-party dispute mediation: “As a system of dispute resolution, mediation creates a context in which certain ways of arguing are reasonable and functionally constructive and in which other ways of arguing are not” (1998, p. 400).

  50. 50.

    O’Keefe and Jackson (1995) stress the need for paying more attention to argumentation theory to enhance the quality of persuasion research. One important consideration is that argument quality should be assessed by using norms that are theoretically motivated.

  51. 51.

    Amjarso (2010) studied this problem from a pragma-dialectical perspective, referring to the notion of “dialectical strength ” to describe the difference between one-sidedness and two-sidedness in a theoretical way.

  52. 52.

    See Hoeken (1999).

  53. 53.

    O’Keefe (2002) describes influential theories that are not about persuasion proper but have been and still are influential. They include attitude theories, cognitive dissonance theory, and theories of behavioral intention.

  54. 54.

    The Elaborate Likelihood Model can be seen as an attempt to place existing persuasion theory and research under one conceptual umbrella: most attitude theories can be viewed as exemplifying one or the other route (Eagly and Chaiken 1993, p. 306).

  55. 55.

    For other studies of conversational argument, see Craig and Tracy (1983).

  56. 56.

    See, for example, Jackson and Jacobs (1980, 1982), Jacobs and Jackson (1981, 1982, 1983, 1989), Jackson (1983, 1992), and Jacobs (1989).

  57. 57.

    Jackson and Jacobs observe that their research methods have much in common with other social scientific approaches. The differences are that the object of study is argumentative discourse and that their model is structural rather than causal in nature.

  58. 58.

    Jackson and Jacobs even believe that a speech act analysis of conversational argument makes an analysis in terms of sequencing rules superfluous.

  59. 59.

    See van Eemeren et al. (1993) for an elaboration of this idea.

  60. 60.

    See, for example, Benoit (1981, 1983) and O’Keefe and Benoit (1982).

  61. 61.

    A related trend in the empirical investigation of argumentation is studying argument in natural settings. Unlike the debate contest or the courtroom, these settings are usually informal and unstructured. School board meetings, labor-management negotiations, counseling sessions, public relations campaigns, and self-help support groups are some of the highly varied settings in which argumentation has been studied. Examples of such studies are Putnam, Wilson, Waltman and Turner (1986), Aakhus (2011), Aakhus and Lewiński (2011), and Hicks and Eckstein (2012).

  62. 62.

    In (2005), Craig and Tracy focus on the meta-discursive uses of “the issue” in two settings: college classroom discussions and public participation at school board meetings.

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van Eemeren, F.H., Garssen, B., Krabbe, E.C.W., Henkemans, A.F.S., Verheij, B., Wagemans, J.H.M. (2014). Communication Studies and Rhetoric. In: Handbook of Argumentation Theory. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-9473-5_8

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