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Abstract

Chapter 3 has shown how alliance specificities create powerful domestic constituents with interests in maintaining the alliance, but such constituents represent a small segment of the state and society involved in the alliance. Even in Korea, the military industry’s portion of the economy and society was small. In 1991, the Ministry of National Defense designated as “defense industry” 84 companies, which produced 260 defense products, with a total sales of 1.7 trillion won—only 7 percent of the total sales of the companies and a meager 0.7 percent of Korea’s gross national product (GNP).1 Korea’s military, with about 600,000 men in uniform, was not a small group by any measure, but almost all of the soldiers were draftees who derived little, if any, personal gain from the alliance. Very few higher-echelon officers in powerful and profitable positions had a personal stake in it. Also, though the Ministry of National Defense was one of the largest bureaucratic bodies in the Korean government, only a small number of its officials had direct contact with their counterparts in the United States, and an even smaller number had an immediate interest in the alliance. In the United States, the alliance constituency was an even smaller fraction of state and society. Hence the previous chapter leaves a crucial question unanswered: How could this small segment produce a policy that would benefit it at the cost of the larger society?

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© 2007 Jae-Jung Suh

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Suh, JJ. (2007). Alliance and Identity. In: Power, Interest, and Identity in Military Alliances. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230605015_4

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