Skip to main content

Soft Presuppositions as Scalar Implicatures in Signaling Games

  • Conference paper
  • First Online:
Dynamics, Uncertainty and Reasoning (CLAR 2018)

Part of the book series: Logic in Asia: Studia Logica Library ((LIAA))

Included in the following conference series:

  • 156 Accesses

Abstract

In this paper, I will discuss why soft presuppositions behave differently from hard presuppositions: the former are easily defeasible and project nonuniformly in quantificational sentences. I assume that soft triggers should be associated with alternatives, and thus share many similarities with scalar implicatures. As a generalization of Parikh’s games of partial information, I develop game-theoretic models, which provide a unified account for both scalar implicatures and soft presuppositions. I argue that iterated best response (IBR) reasoning allows us to analyze the behaviors of soft presuppositions in accordance with rational inferences. The models yield the following predictions of soft presuppositions: projection happens unless it is common knowledge that the speaker is ignorant about it, in which case the presupposition is defeasible; projection depends on the type of quantifiers, which may lead to nonuniform behaviors.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 84.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 109.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 109.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    In English grammar, an it-cleft is a sentence construction that consists of a nonreferential it, a form of the verb be, a noun phrase, and a relative clause.

  2. 2.

    Abusch (2002, 2010) assumes that soft triggers are associated with a group of lexical alternatives, which are intuitively contrastive items (for instance, win and lose are a pair of alternatives). She also assumes a principle of disjunctive closure for generating soft presuppositions. Chemla (2010) takes a step further and identifies presuppositional triggers with strong scalar items. He looks at presuppositions as weaker alternatives of their triggers (for instance, participate is a weaker alternative of win). Romoli (2015) adopts an account based on alternatives following Chemla (2010) and an exhaustification principle for generating presuppositions.

  3. 3.

    Grice (1975) first, systematically analyzed a typical case of scalar implicatures, i.e., the Some/All Case. He accounts for the phenomenon by making reference to a set of maxims regulating conversation. In addition, Grice (1981) discussed the relationship between presupposition and implicatures. Following Grice, the neo-Gricean attempted to account for presuppositions in terms of a generalized sense of Gricean implicature (see Atlas 1978; Atlas and Stephen 1981).

  4. 4.

    Many other authors have also suggested an iterative reasoning accounts to capture Gricean reasoning. Jäger (2011) makes contribution to IBR model based on his earlier work of evolutionary dynamics (see Jäger 2007). Benz (2006), Benz and van Rooij (2007) construct the Optimal Answer model, which can be taken as a special version of IBR model.

  5. 5.

    Empirical work on behavioral game theory has shown that agents actually do not play on equilibria. Various researchers, like Selten (1998) and Camerer (2003), provide experimental evidence to show that agents follow a step-by-step reasoning rather than a one-step jump to equilibria while making decisions in game-theoretic situations.

  6. 6.

    It is also easy to prove that an analysis of \(H_0\)-sequence will lead to the same result.

  7. 7.

    In this paper, I only apply the basic model to account for the rationality of presupposition projection through the simplest case of proposition connectives, i.e., negation. A discussion about the rationality of uniform projection through other proposition connectives, such as conditionals, conjunctions, disjunctions, and through questions and modal operators is also interesting but beyond the scope of this paper.

References

  • Abusch, D.: Lexical alternatives as a source of pragmatic presupposition. In: Jackson, B., (ed.) Semantics and linguistic theory (SALT) 12, pp. 1–19 (2002)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Abusch, D.: Presupposition triggering from alternatives. J. Semant. 27, 1–44 (2010)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Atlas, J.D.: On presupposing. Mind 87, 396–411 (1978)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Atlas, J.D., Levinson, S.C.: It-clefts, informativeness, and logical form. In: Cole, P. (ed.) Radical Pragmatics, pp. 1–51. Academic Press, New York (1981)

    Google Scholar 

  • Beaver, D.I.: Presupposition and Assertion in Dynamic Semantics. CSLI Publications, Stanford University (2001)

    Google Scholar 

  • Benz, A.: Utility and relevance of answers. In: Benz, A., Jäger, G., van Rooij, R. (eds.) Game Theory and Pragmatics, pp. 195–214. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, UK (2006)

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Benz, A., van Rooij, R.: Optimal assertions and what they implicate. Topoi 26, 63–78 (2007)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Benz, A., Stevens, J.: Game-theoretic approaches to pragmatics. Annu. Rev. Linguist. 4, 173–191 (2018)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Camerer, C.: Behavioral Game Theory: Experiments in Strategic Interaction. Princeton University Press (2003)

    Google Scholar 

  • Charlow, S.: “Strong” predicative presuppositional objects. In: Proceedings of ESSLLI 2009, Bordeaux (2009)

    Google Scholar 

  • Chemla, E.: Similarity: towards a unified account of scalar implicatures, free choice permission and presupposition projection. Unpublished manuscript (2010)

    Google Scholar 

  • Franke, M.: Signal to act: game theory in pragmatics. Ph.D. thesis, Institute for Logic, Language and Computation, University of Amsterdam (2009)

    Google Scholar 

  • Franke, M.: Quantity implicatures, exhaustive interpretation, and rational conversation. Semant. Pragmat. 4, 1–82 (2011)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Grice, P.: Logic and conversation. In: Cole, P., Morgan, J. (eds.) Syntax and Semantics, pp. 41–58. Academic Press, New York (1975)

    Google Scholar 

  • Grice, P.: Presupposition and conversational implicature. In: Cole, P. (ed.) Radical Pragmatics, pp. 183–198. Academic Press, New York (1981)

    Google Scholar 

  • Heim, I.: On the projection problem for presuppositions. In: Flickinger, D.P. (ed.) Proceedings of WCCFL 2, pp. 114–125. Stanford University, Stanford, CSLI Publications, California (1983)

    Google Scholar 

  • Jäger, G.: Game dynamics connects semantics and pragmatics. In: Pietarinen, A.-V. (ed.) Game Theory and Linguistic Meaning, pp. 89–102. Elsevier, Amsterdam (2007)

    Google Scholar 

  • Jäger, G.: Game-theoretical pragmatics. In: van Benthem, J., ter Meulen, A. (eds.) Handbook of Logic and Language, pp. 467–491. Elsevier, Amsterdam (2011)

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Karttunen, L.: Some observations on factivity. Pap. Linguist. 4, 55–69 (1971)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Langendoen, T., Savin, H.: The projection problem for presuppositions. In: Fillmore, C., Langendoen, T. (eds.) Studies in Linguistic Semantics, pp. 373–388. Holt, Reinhardt and Winston, New York (1971)

    Google Scholar 

  • Levinson, SC.: Pragmatics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1983)

    Google Scholar 

  • Lewis, D.: Convention. Harvard University Press, Cambridge (1969)

    Google Scholar 

  • Parikh, P.: Communication and strategic inference. Linguist. Philos. 14, 473–531 (1991)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Parikh, P.: The Use of Language. CSLI Publications, Stanford, CA (2001)

    Google Scholar 

  • Pavan, S.: Quantity implicatures and iterated admissibility. Linguist. Philos. 36, 261–290 (2013)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Romoli, J.: The presuppositions of soft triggers are obligatory scalar implicatures. J. Semant. 32, 173–219 (2015)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Rothschild, D.: Game theory and scalar implicatures. Philos. Perspect. 27, 438–478 (2013)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Selten, R.: Features of experimentally observed bounded rationality. Eur. Econ. Rev. 42, 413–436 (1998)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Soames, S.: How presuppositions are inherited: a solution to the projection problem. Linguist. Inq. 13, 483–545 (1982)

    Google Scholar 

  • Stalnaker, R.: Pragmatic presuppositions. In: Munitz, M., Unger, P (eds.) Semantics and Philosophy, pp. 197–213. New York University Press (1974)

    Google Scholar 

  • van der Sandt, R.: Presupposition projection as anaphora resolution. J. Semant. 9, 333–377 (1992)

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • van Rooij, R., Franke, M.: Optimality-theoretic and game-theoretic approaches to implicature. In: The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. (2015). http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/implicatureoptimality-games/

Download references

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank three anonymous referees for very helpful comments. This work is supported by the Shanghai Philosophy and Social Sciences Fund under Grant No. 2017EZX008, the National Social Science Fund under Grant No. 18CZX014, the National Natural Science Foundation of China under Grant No. 61703277, and the Shanghai Sailing Program under Grant No. 17YF1427000.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Mengyuan Zhao .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Appendices

Appendix 1: Proof of Proposition 2

First consider \(S_0\)-sequence. From Definition 2,

$$S_0=\left\{ \begin{array}{rcl} t_1&{} \mapsto &{}m_1 \\ t_2&{} \mapsto &{}m_1,m_2\\ t_3&{} \mapsto &{}m_1,m_2, m_3\\ \end{array}\right\} . \,$$

Given (1) and (2), \(EU_{H_1}(t_1,m_1)=\frac{6}{11}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_2, m_1)=\frac{3}{11}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_3, m_1)=\frac{2}{11}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_2,m_2)=\frac{3}{5}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_3,m_2)=\frac{2}{5}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_3,m_3)=1\). Given (3),

$$H_1=\left\{ \begin{array}{rcl} m_1&{} \mapsto &{}t_1 \\ m_2&{} \mapsto &{}t_2\\ m_3&{} \mapsto &{}t_3\\ \end{array}\right\} . \,$$

Since \(S_2\) will act according to her belief in \(H_1\),

$$S_2=\left\{ \begin{array}{rcl} t_1&{} \mapsto &{}m_1 \\ t_2&{} \mapsto &{}m_2\\ t_3&{} \mapsto &{}m_3\\ \end{array}\right\} . \,$$

Evidently, the \(S_0\)-sequence begins repetition after two round of iteration. In other words, \(S^*=S_2\) and \(H^*=H_1\). The \(H_0\)-sequence leads to the same fixed point in a similar way.    \(\blacksquare \)

Appendix 2: Proof of Proposition 3

First, consider the \(S_0\)-sequence. From Definition 2,

$$S_0=\left\{ \begin{array}{rcl} t_1&{} \mapsto &{}m_1 \\ t_2&{} \mapsto &{}m_1,m_2\\ t_3&{} \mapsto &{}m_1\\ \end{array}\right\} . \,$$

Given (1) and (2), \(EU_{H_1}(t_1,m_1)=\frac{2(1-p)}{3+p}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_2, m_1)=\frac{1-p}{3+p}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_3, m_1)=\frac{4p}{3+p}\), \(EU_{H_1}(t_2,m_2)=1\). Given (3),

$$H_1=\left\{ \begin{array}{cl} \left\{ \begin{array}{l} m_1 \mapsto t_1,\\ m_2 \mapsto t_2,\\ \end{array}\right. &{} \text {if}\ p<\frac{1}{3} \\ \left\{ \begin{array}{l} m_1 \mapsto t_3,\\ m_2 \mapsto t_2,\\ \end{array}\right. &{} \text {if}\ p>\frac{1}{3}\\ \end{array}\right\} .\,$$

Since \(S_2\) will act according to her belief in \(H_1\),

$$S^*=\left\{ \begin{array}{rcl} t_1 \mapsto m_1 \\ t_2 \mapsto m_2\\ t_3 \mapsto m_3\\ \end{array}\right\} . \,$$

Evidently, the \(S_0\)-sequence begins repetition after two round of iteration. Then, \(S^*=S_2\) and \(H^*=H_1\). And the \(H_0\)-sequence leads to the same fixed point in a similar way.    \(\blacksquare \)

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2019 Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.

About this paper

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this paper

Zhao, M. (2019). Soft Presuppositions as Scalar Implicatures in Signaling Games. In: Liao, B., Ågotnes, T., Wang, Y. (eds) Dynamics, Uncertainty and Reasoning. CLAR 2018. Logic in Asia: Studia Logica Library. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7791-4_7

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics