Abstract
The next two chapters demonstrate how art/culture is fundamentally integrated within commodification, reproducing a regime of tedious, domesticated sensuality, and collaborates with capitalist power relations to maintain the status quo. The first part outlines how the autonomy of art/culture, rather than being problematic to the forces of social power, actually reinforces the hierarchies of capitalist society; creating a mere spectacle of resistance, legitimating the cult of commercial novelty and entrepreneurialism, and reinforcing relations of exclusive privilege (creative autonomy is only for the chosen few). This artistic freedom then segues from indifferent isolation to hostile violence against the non-creative working class, as the privileges that autonomous creative labour demands are recouped through extra exploitation of the ‘reproduction labour’ that manufactures the mass-produced commodities of the art/culture industry. Art/culture is also directly complicit in anti-working-class violence through ‘public art’ invading working-class space and gentrifying affordable neighbourhoods, displacing existing tenants who can no longer afford the escalating rents.
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Notes
- 1.
Debord ([1967] 1983, §5) claims that the ‘spectacle cannot be understood as an abuse of the world of vision’, yet the spectacle is still contrasted with ‘reality’, a ‘tangible world’ replaced by a ‘selection of images’ (ibid., §5 and §36). While the spectacle then becomes the ‘tangible’ there is still a wild sensual ‘reality’ that always lurks just outside the gates of the society of the spectacle.
- 2.
Though the brutality of European colonialism is well documented it is important to note both the savage, often frenzied, nature of this cruelty against the ‘savages’—exemplified by such acts as the harvesting of severed hands in the Belgian Congo (Hochschild 1998, 164–7) and the arbitrary mutilations of Native Americans by Spanish conquistadors to test the sharpness of their knives (Zinn [1980] 1995, 6)—and the vital role this colonialism played in the establishment of modern capitalism . This was not just through unprecedented new markets in raw commodities and labour, but also a new spatial imagination of the world as a whole, a desire for the new, and a colonised Other to contrast to our modern selves (Agnew 1998, 11; Marx [1894] 1967 b, 333; Todorov 1984, 5). Nor was this capitalist reign of terror restricted to foreign lands, Peter Linebaugh (2003) documenting the use of mass executions in eighteenth-century England as a means to enforce the new regime of private property.
- 3.
Of course ‘natural law’ theorists always seek to find a concrete bottom to the eternal regression of precedent. Yet they tend to be nothing more than conjuring tricks, such as Carl Schmitt’s assertion in an a priori ‘constituent power’ that, ‘though it is not constituted in virtue of a constitution, is nevertheless connected to every existing constitution in such a way that it appears as the founding power’ (Schmitt in Agamben [2003] 2005, 34).
- 4.
The notion that all our relationships add up to a ‘social capital’ that is equivalent to ‘economic capital’ not only serves to obfuscate poverty and inequality (‘Hey, we might be unequal in terms of ‘economic capital’, but look how much ‘social capital’ everyone has!’) it is also used to push a neoliberal austerity agenda. This was most apparent in the David Cameron-led UK Conservative’s ‘Big Society’ policy, where service provision by informal groups bonded by personal, filial or other emotional ties was championed over the cold, bureaucratic and wasteful welfare state. Such an appeal to localism and ‘community values’ was grounded quite explicitly in the theory and rhetoric of ‘social capitalism’ (Westwood 2011, 691).
- 5.
The myriad of governance techniques that focus on ‘subjugating bodies’, usually at quite a micro level, such as classroom discipline (Foucault [1976] 1981, 140).
- 6.
Even so-called ‘totalitarian’ societies delegate at least some authority to individuals in these realms, such as the freedom Stalin granted to families when it came to domestic design; retreating ‘from the rationalization of the domestic “hearth” – permitting individuals greater freedom in its expression and allowing petit-bourgeois consciousness to flourish’ (Buchli 1997, 162).
- 7.
While any conflation of the diverse politics of modernism is fraught with danger a consistent thread of ‘anti-bourgeois’ sentiment binds seemingly antithetical positions from Futurist fascist sympathisers, to the conservatism of T. S. Eliot, to the socialism of the Surrealists (Williams 1989, 55–61). This ostensible contradiction was sustained on the rather unsophisticated denotation of ‘bourgeois’ ‘as the vulgar, hidebound, moralistic and spiritually narrow figure of the aristocratic complaint’ (ibid., 54); a banausic strawman who can be hauled out to demonstrate the oppositional vitality of every different hue of modernism .
- 8.
In the current War on Terror this repressive liberalism is markedly framed as an intolerance of intolerance; the notion that tolerance is such an important virtue it must be set aside to attack the ‘Muslim extremists’, who would use ‘our’ tolerance to take over our tolerant society and turn it intolerant. A piquant example of this logic occurred during the 2014 Festival of Dangerous Ideas in Sydney, nominally the showcase event for daring, liberal open-mindedness, where a reasonably tame ‘radical Islamist’ was invited to demonstrate just how tolerant the Festival was and then rapidly uninvited when it became apparent just how dangerous his ideas were (ABC/AAP 2014).
- 9.
In this case not only will there be no backlash from the state even your own record company won’t mind. In decrying the ‘critique of global corporatism’ embodied in the music of the band Radiohead, Efrim (in Hibbett 2005, 68), from the post-rock band Godspeed You! Black Emperor, notes that Radiohead is compromised by being owned by a ‘gigantic multinational corporation’ themselves. Indeed Efrim has first-hand experience of impotent anti-corporatism. Unlike Radiohead, Godspeed is not on a major record label and even upped the anti-corporate ante with a diagram on their 2003 album Yanqui U.X.O. detailing the links between major media conglomerates and weapons dealers. The album also included an inner-sleeve suggestion to avoid ‘predatory retailers and superstores’, something that didn’t stop ‘superstores’ from selling it (Marsh 2002, para. 1). As Peter Marsh (ibid.) notes ‘GYBE [Godspeed You! Black Emperor] are aware of the game they have to play to get their music heard.’
- 10.
Ramirez imagines an ‘everyman’ border crosser, John Doe, who reflects on the appearance of the horse: ‘it sparked my deepest curiosity, who had put it there and why?’ (Amoore and Hall 2010, 300)
- 11.
Both Holzer and Kruger used their trademark declarative parodies of advertising text as, well, advertising text; Holzer as one of BMWs ‘Art Car’ designers and Kruger as part of a 2004 Selfridges advertising campaign (BMWDrives 2007; Poynor 2006, 46). In both cases the artist’s text explicitly mocked the manufactured desires for automobile machismo (BMW) and consumerism (Selfridges), but these provocations are not only accepted by the corporations they’re actively embraced, as if they did not provoke them in the least:
What is crucial for the perception of her word art is the context in which it is presented. “‘Protect me from what I want’” – seen against the backdrop of the most spectacular car race in the world, with its battle for places and prestige, the word artist’s plea for survival gains a whole new meaning. “‘You are so complex you don’t respond to danger”’ – a provocation that could not have been put better when referring to the world of motor racing. (BMWDrives 2007, para. 2)
- 12.
The persistence of the ‘auratic qualities’ of art/culture, in contrast to Walter Benjamin’s thesis on the ‘The Work of Art in the Age of its Technical Reproducibility’, will be examined in more detail later in this chapter.
- 13.
Not that the poor don’t have to display remarkable creativity just to survive under neoliberal capitalism; not simply the desperate entrepreneurialism of street hustling but also performative displays of commitment to ‘therapeutic work’ and desire for employment in order to gain access to competitive public shelters in US cities (Wilson and Keil 2008, 842).
- 14.
Creativity can still be draped in statistics and formulas to consummate its marriage to economic theory and justify the existence of academic organisations like the Creativity Research Institute at the State University of Buffalo or the International Foundation for Creativity and Leadership (Osborne 2003, 509).
- 15.
In Morgan Stanley’s case it was ‘challenging traditional thinking to help our clients raise their financial aspirations’ (Poynor 2006, 17).
- 16.
The level of leniency given to financial capital was most glaring during the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, when the phrase ‘too big to fail’ was bandied about to justify the bailouts of Wall Street. This later became ‘too big to jail’ under the reign of Attorney General Eric Holder, who put into effect a doctrine he had developed working under President Clinton, to avoid prosecuting large companies due to the deleterious effect such a prosecution would have on the economy (Smith 2014). The upshot is that fraud becomes a very manageable risk for large businesses.
- 17.
Even when twentieth-century modernisms tried to create an industrial art/culture to reflect the egalitarian collective principles of ‘mass society’ it essentially failed. Bauhaus attempted to resurrect an earlier workshop model of artistic collaboration, but this was nostalgia for techne/ars, when objects were built to mimetic rules (form following function) that could be broken into component parts and created by un-named artisans; in other words not art/culture. Even when Bauhaus celebrated industrial technology over craft, and collaboration was with ‘designers’ rather than ‘artists’, there were still celebrity Bauhaus designers, like Walter Gropius and Laszlo Maholy-Nagy, and anonymous Bauhaus artisans and reproduction labourers (Weingarden 1985, 10–11). It was the same situation with Pop Art and similar postmodernisms trying to level art/culture distinctions by bringing their high art down to what they perceived to be the industrial level of pop culture . Warhol’s so-called ‘Factory’ studio was no factory in terms of interchangeable products and producers, with many unique pieces made or ‘commissioned’ by star creators, Warhol chief among them (James 1996, 181; Wood 2010, 295). Warhol mimics, like Jeff Koons and Damien Hirst , used anonymous labour-power (aka ‘assistants’) to mass produce paintings, but these were still sold as the work of named rather than abstract labour and as ‘sets of paintings [that] are collectible items in endlessly variable series, not editions but “unique” works’ (Stallabrass 1999, 28). The fact is even the interchangeable pop culture Warhol et al. were trying to invoke is not the factory they believed it to be. Certainly there are instances of the ‘culture industry’ coming close to creating a Fordism of ‘creative labour’, such as the pre-War Hollywood studio system, but these attempts are temporary and partial.
- 18.
For a left Nietzschean example there is Foucault’s (1984, 350) aspiration for people to shape their own lives like a ‘work of art’. The proximity of this notion of artistic self-fashioning to neoliberal subjectivity has been discussed and debated, though one wonders if those, like Julian Brigstocke (2013, 58), who view it as a critical response to, rather than a resonance with, neoliberalism base this on the intrinsic radical properties of art/culture.
- 19.
This concept is related to the already-discussed notion of ‘social capital’ , though Pierre Bourdieu’s ([1979] 1984, 114) version referred to exclusive knowledge of ‘high art’ and the various attitudes and dispositions associated with it. Displayed, this knowledge increases status and augments, though it is not reducible to, ‘economic capital’. I have already hinted at the problems referring to these non-economic status resources as ‘capital’, specifically that it conflates wealth (not necessarily reproducible) with capital (which reproduces itself by definition). But that does not mean these markers of distinction do not operate as a form of wealth that can provide access to privilege and can be cashed in to some degree.
- 20.
Thus turning art schools and the later panoply of ‘creative industry’ vocational courses into barriers to entry rather than open resources. Though much of what keeps art/culture exclusive are informal networks of privilege, art/culture schools also make sure there is a layer of credentialism to further restrict access. While educational qualifications do not guarantee employment they do provide potential employers and grant managers with some objective measure of one’s ‘artistry’. On the other hand these schools provide an important ‘old-boy network’ for students and graduates, as will be discussed later. Being able to have a career as an artist is heavily mediated by who you know and which art school you come from. Thus Stallabrass (1999, 7) notes how many successful artists from what he calls the ‘high-art lite’ tendency came from the fine art course at Goldsmiths College. If dealers and other art market bureaucrats cannot independently define a ‘good artist’ they need some ‘pedigree’ or ‘brand’ to help them and that is where a fashionable art school comes in handy.
- 21.
Under the Blair Government’s cult of Creative Britain some effort was made to balance the demands of draconian neoliberal welfare accountability with concessions for those unemployed deemed legitimate pop-musicians-in-the-making. However this ham-fisted and narrow welfare ‘indulgence’ to poor creatives, entitled the ‘New Deal for Musicians’, was not Roosevelt’s New Deal. Instead of supporting musicians with direct employment, as the original New Deal did, Blair’s emaciated version simply allowed musicians to claim unemployment benefits if they undertook training. Interestingly, though the training was ostensibly to help claimants earn a sustainable living as musicians, there was no effort to assess musical skills and the scheme eventually fizzled out (Cloonan 2003, 17–24).
- 22.
Jevnaker (2005, 42) notes particularly John Kao’s Jamming: The Art & Discipline of Business Creativity, wherein is highlighted the need to build and secure a ‘hot zone’ to nurture creativity at work.
- 23.
G. E. M. de Ste. Croix ([1981] 2001, 274) excoriates the snobbery and tunnel vision of those who just accept that the values of the ‘propertied Few’ represented the values of all. Even though the written record of the Classical World is dominated by the thoughts of the land-owning elites and the thoughts of slaves are totally absent, de Ste. Croix notes that we do have some record of how lowly artisans viewed their reviled work for profit from epitaphs, which boasted of the pride artisans took in their craft.
- 24.
Bourdieu ([1979] 1984, 43) notes that even many of the bourgeoisie who perform the rites of knowing silence before Great Works of Art are just as baffled as the naïve proles who openly express that they ‘don’t get it’. The crucial difference is that the bourgeois pseudo-aesthete knows to conceal their befuddlement.
- 25.
As an example of what happens if you don’t fulfil your promotional duties see 2010 Oscar-winner Mo’Nique, whose career nose-dived after she upset Academy members with an acceptance speech deriding the back-room glad-handing of the award ‘campaign’ (Alston 2015).
- 26.
It is worth noting how Regis Debray (1995, 138–40) chastises Situationism for conceiving a pure, liberated essence to be retrieved beneath the cobblestones of the Spectacle , as he himself claims that Duchamp’s readymades meant ‘the real bursts directly into the space of the museum.’
- 27.
Whether it is ignorance or cultivated obliviousness, the inability of gentrifying artists to confront the consequences of their activities on displaced residents can reach jaw-dropping proportions. When Kara Walker (in Chayka 2014, para. 11), whose involvement in a Brooklyn redevelopment will be discussed later, was asked about artist-assisted gentrification she stated: ‘I don’t have a position on gentrification necessarily … [.] Cultures come and go. Condos come and go. Bodies come and go’. I guess when you think about it in the context of the eventual heat-death of the universe gentrification is not worth taking a position on.
- 28.
For more on the anti-materialism of art/culture and the consequent lack of critical reflection on temporal cycles of decay or reuse see Dee (2011).
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Dee, L. (2018). Artistic Freedom: Privilege and New Products. In: Against Art and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7092-1_4
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