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Analytic Narratives

What They Are and How They Contribute to Historical Explanation

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Handbook of Cliometrics

Abstract

The expression “analytic narratives” is used to refer to a range of quite recent studies that lie on the boundaries between history, political science, and economics. These studies purport to explain specific historical events by combining the usual narrative approach of historians with the analytic tools that economists and political scientists draw from formal rational choice theories. Game theory, especially of the extensive form version, is currently prominent among these tools, but there is nothing inevitable about such a technical choice. The chapter explains what analytic narratives are by reviewing the studies of the major book Analytic Narratives (Bates et al., 1998), which are concerned with the workings of political institutions broadly speaking, as well as several cases drawn from military and security studies, which form an independent source of the analytic narratives literature. At the same time as it gradually develops a definition of analytic narratives, the chapter investigates how they fulfil one of their main purposes, which is to provide explanations of a better standing than those of traditional history. An important principle that will emerge in the course of the discussion is that narration is called upon not only to provide facts and problems but also to contribute to the explanation itself. The chapter distinguishes between several expository schemes of analytic narratives according to the way they implement this principle. From all the arguments developed here, it seems clear that the current applications of analytic narratives do not exhaust their potential, and in particular that they deserve the attention of economic historians, if only because they are concerned with microeconomic interactions that are not currently their focus of attention.

This chapter expands on work begun when the author visited Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin in 2015–16. For useful comments and encouragement, the author thanks Steven Brams, Bertrand Crettez, Lorraine Daston, Claude Diebolt, Françoise Forges, Luca Giuliani, Michael Gordin, Michael Haupert, Benjamin Miller, Roger Ransom, Daniel Schönpflug, Frank Zagare, as well as the participants at the workshops “The Limits and Possibilities of Narrative Explanations” (Wissenschaftskolleg, 17–18 March 2016) and “Computational Models of Narrative 2016” (Krakow, 11–12 July 2016). Many thanks also to Ben Young and Michael Haupert for assisting in the preparation of the final draft.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For the game theory discussed in this chapter, see the texts by Morrow (1994) and Harrington (2009), and at a more advanced level, by Myerson (1991) and Osborne and Rubinstein (1994).

  2. 2.

    Only the second game makes it possible to investigate the clans’ trade-off between fighting a civil war to gain control of Genoa and peacefully collaborating to get more maritime possessions.

  3. 3.

    Critics of Greif’s approach to the podesteria have complained that this institution originated in a decision made by the German Emperor, not by the Genoese. See, however, fn 5.

  4. 4.

    Perhaps because its topic has been heavily researched, Weingast’s study seems to have aroused special attention from readers of Analytic Narratives. Some have complained that it is not clear whether the rule of balance in the Senate was central to the stability of the Federation, and accordingly how much its collapse contributed to the civil war. A quick answer may be that the study selects one particular sequence of actions and events for investigation, and this provides a partial but real explanatory argument (which incidentally comes out most clearly at the post-modeling narrative stage, see section “The Role of Narration in Analytic Narratives”).

  5. 5.

    An answer to the objection echoed in fn 3 is forthcoming along this line. The podesteria may well have been imposed “top-down” upon the Genoese from the outside, yet the question arises nonetheless of why they made its functioning possible, a question that the “institutions as rules” conception addresses. Clark’s (2007) otherwise critical account of Greif (2006) clearly recognizes this.

  6. 6.

    Analytic Narratives has given rise to a rather large number of discussions, which space reasons prevent us from covering here. The reader may in particular consult American Political Science Review, 94, 2000, no 3, and Social Science History, 24, 2000, no 4, which contain one or more reviews followed by a rejoinder from the five authors. Some of these discussions express strong scepticism about either the individual contributions or the methodological project itself; among the reasons for this scepticism is the routine complaint that “rational choice theory” (whether formal or not) is either flawed or inapplicable. None of these discussions – even the favorable ones – properly recognizes the special function that narratives, as against other forms of reporting of historical events, fulfil in the AN methodology.

  7. 7.

    One of the first works to explore this tension is the collection by Grenier et al. (2001); it does not yet refer to AN.

  8. 8.

    In this paragraph, we imply the familiar conception of a model as a construct mediating between theories and real objects. The alternative conceptions canvassed in recent philosophy of science could also be brought into relation to AN.

  9. 9.

    On the logical relation between the concepts of perfect information and complete information, see the texts by Fudenberg and Tirole (1991), Harrington (2009), Myerson (1991) and Osborne and Rubinstein (1994). The first text in this list is the locus classicus for the perfect Bayesian equilibrium concept.

  10. 10.

    Bates suggests considering the Shapley value for this purpose. For this and other concepts of cooperative game theory, see Myerson (1991) or Osborne and Rubinstein (1994).

  11. 11.

    Schiemann (2007) promotes a further extension of AN to behavioral economics and illustrates this by a study of an event from the Yugoslav civil wars in the 1990s.

  12. 12.

    See Betts (1997) for a more thorough discussion that includes a history of security studies.

  13. 13.

    Haywood has rather mysteriously disappeared from the academic scene, despite Brams’s (1975) and Harrington’s (2009) supportive reviews of his contribution.

  14. 14.

    At any rate, a later historical discovery showed that Bradley had in fact been cognizant of the orders received by von Kluge, as the Allies had broken the German Enigma code (see Ravid 1990).

  15. 15.

    Clark (1985) conveniently summarizes the position taken by post-war Annales historians; see also Stone’s (1979) critical discussion.

  16. 16.

    In the latter work, Brams introduces a 2×2 game that schematizes the American and Soviet choices (Blockade and Air Strike, Withdraw and Maintenance, respectively) and applies his “theory of moves” to find that the Compromise issue (Blockade, Withdraw) emerges as a “non-myopic” equilibrium.

  17. 17.

    The assumption made regarding Britain’s type appears to be connected with a mathematical difficulty. The Triple Crisis Game can currently be solved only in limiting cases. Concerning the Moroccan crisis, the restriction was that Challenger was “determined,” and here it is that Britain is “staunch” (Zagare 2015, p. 335, fn 7).

  18. 18.

    Discussions of AN rarely make this point; see, however, Downing (2000, p. 91).

  19. 19.

    Useful critical summaries appear in Salmon (1992) and Bird (1998).

  20. 20.

    See Bates et al. (1998, p. 12; 2000a, p. 697) and Zagare (2011, pp. 5–7).

  21. 21.

    Game theory has another technical sense for the word “generic”; this will not be considered here.

  22. 22.

    Other formal theories would specify the distinction somewhat differently.

  23. 23.

    On the definitions given above, the Triple Crisis Game is not a generic game, but rather a set of such games. For instance, the specialized version for the Moroccan crisis is one such generic game, and the specialized version for Grey politics is another.

  24. 24.

    See Bates et al. (1998, p. 15) and Zagare (2011, p. 16).

  25. 25.

    These and other conditions have been thoroughly discussed in the philosophy of science; see, e.g., Bird (1998, Chap. 1).

  26. 26.

    There were five at the time: Britain, France, Germany, Austria, and Russia. Zagare and Kilgour (2006, p. 635) address this objection.

  27. 27.

    Zagare and Kilgour (2006) and Zagare (2011, pp. 161–162) show awareness of this problem. Indeed, it would have been extraordinary if in July 1914 France had threatened Britain that it might align with Germany.

  28. 28.

    See Bates et al. (1998, p. 15): “Repeated games, for example, can yield a multiplicity of equilibria. To explain why an outcome occurred rather than another, the theorist must ground his or her explanation in empirical materials.” It is for “the narrative” to provide these “materials.”

  29. 29.

    The novelist Philip Roth is said to have made this pronouncement: “Everything that matters comes to us in the form of a narrative.” At least, every action that matters comes to us in this form.

  30. 30.

    More on this in Grenier et al. (2001) and Mongin (2008).

  31. 31.

    See in particular Roberts’s (2001) collection, with classic pieces by Dray, Mink, White, and others and the 1985 collection of Danto’s works in the philosophy of history, Narration and Knowledge.

  32. 32.

    One may note the dramatic quality of this sequence, which reminds one of the triadic plot structure in many dramas or fictional stories: an initially stable situation, a conflict between the characters, and a positive or negative resolution of this conflict (see Freytag 1863, elaborating on Aristotle’s Poetics).

  33. 33.

    Crettez and Deloche’s (2018) treatment of Cesar’s death further illustrates the subgenre of analyzed narratives. Following the general AN methodology, they carefully review the historical evidence and extract from it a problem they solve with the aid of a formal model. How plausible is the suggestion made by Suetonius and others that Cesar was aware of the plot to murder him when he went to the Ides of March meeting of the Senate? The authors’ two-person game of normal form has a single Nash equilibrium that is mixed, which in their view suggests a negative answer to this question. Here the narrative provides both the evidence and the problem, but the solution is stated in theoretical, non-narrative terms.

  34. 34.

    The firm contrast that Annales postulates between narrative- and problem-oriented history appears among others in Furet (1981). The anti-narrative stand is also present among new economic historians, e.g., Kousser (1984), who defends “quantitative social scientific history” against a “revivalism” of narrative. Not every cliometrician has adopted this stance; witness the open attitude of the editors of this Handbook.

  35. 35.

    For instance, Myerson (2004) suggests treating the events of 1930–1933 in terms of a signaling game between the Allies and the German conservative leaders. To get rid of the reparations burden, the latter would try to impress the former by pushing forward Nazism as a political force (a dangerous game if ever there was one).

  36. 36.

    More examples could be found in Greif’s (2002) survey of game-theoretic economic history.

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Mongin, P. (2019). Analytic Narratives. In: Diebolt, C., Haupert, M. (eds) Handbook of Cliometrics. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-40458-0_52-1

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