Abstract
Financial regulation in sports is usually discussed in the context of representing an instrument against ‘financial doping’. Notwithstanding the merits of this discussion, this paper takes the opposite perspective and analyses how market-internal financial regulation itself may anticompetitively influence sporting results. Virtually every regulative financial intervention distorts sporting competition to some extent and creates beneficiaries and losers. Sometimes, the actual winners and losers of financial regulation stand in line with the (legitimate) goals of the regulation like limiting financial imbalances or preventing distortive midseason insolvencies of teams. However, financial regulation may also display unintended side effects like protecting hitherto successful teams from new challengers, cementing the competitive order, creating foreclosure and entry barriers, or serving vested interests of powerful parties. All of these effects may also be hidden agendas by those who are implementing and enforcing market-internal financial regulation or influencing it. This paper analyses various types of budget caps (including salary caps) with respect to potentially anticompetitive effects. UEFA’s so-called Financial Fair Play Regulations are highlighted as an example. Furthermore, the paper discusses allocation schemes of common revenues (like from the collective sale of broadcasting rights) as another area of financial regulation with potentially anticompetitive effects. Eventually, the effects of standards for accounting, financial management and auditing are discussed.
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Notes
- 1.
While between 50.7 (English Premier League) and 27.9% (German Bundesliga) of the revenues are generated from the collective sale of broadcasting rights, the existence of strict position-dependency revenues requires a specific type of distribution of these revenues (see section “Allocation of Common Revenues as Financial Regulation”), which, strictly speaking, does currently not exist in these leagues (Budzinski and Müller-Kock 2017: 11–12).
- 2.
Examples include such diverse organisations as, inter alia, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the International Olympic Committe (IOC), the National Football League (NFL), the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF), the Union des Associations Européennes de Football (UEFA), the United States Soccer Federation (USSF), the Niedersächsischer Judoverband (NJV), or the Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA).
- 3.
Budzinski and Müller-Kock (2017) discuss an interesting case where financial regulation serves as a means to secure and exploit the market power of a sports promoter and to stabilise an anticompetitive cartel. This example represents an extreme case showcasing how manipulative to the sporting outcome financial regulation can be.
- 4.
For the first view see with a comprehensive literature review Schubert and Hamil (2018).
- 5.
- 6.
See for more details on exceptions and acceptable deviations UEFA (2015).
- 7.
In the sports economics literature, talent is usually referring to playing talent. The point here is that FCK cannot use its (hypothetically) superior management talent to attract and utilize playing talent because of the financial advantage of Madrid, i.e. FCK is deterred from buying the extra talent it would need and it will quickly lose the playing talent they have to the richer teams.
- 8.
Formula One motor racing represents a notable exception where the promoter is an independent investment company seeking to maximise its own profits from the sport. This creates scope for market power abuses by the promoter at the expense of the competing teams (see for details on this case Budzinski and Müller-Kock 2017).
- 9.
For an overview and a discussion of allocation schemes used by selected premier-level professional leagues and championships see Budzinski and Müller-Kock (2017: 9–13).
- 10.
If, for instance, a TV station spent more for sports broadcasting rights due to the monopoly-like price structure dictated by the cartel, then the whole TV audience will have to contribute to the higher prices by accepting higher pay-TV prices, more advertising in free TV and less investment in other (also non-sports) programmes.
- 11.
It is quite notable and interesting how such a perspective contrasts with and goes beyond first glance fairness notions.
- 12.
But see Keshock et al. (2014) for an interesting story of political economy of sports events and promotion.
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Budzinski, O. (2018). Financial Regulation as an Anticompetitive Institution. In: Breuer, M., Forrest, D. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook on the Economics of Manipulation in Sport. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77389-6_9
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