Abstract
In this chapter, I first examine how Ngomso influenced learners’ conceptualisations of morality and the respective efforts they made to fashion particular lives for themselves. Second, I examine learners’ experiences of high school and attempt to explain why some individuals matriculated, while others did not. Third, I examine how the value of an ‘informal’ form of education, or socialisation, promoting ‘Xhosa masculinity’ was contested during educative experiences in the school. Fourth, I analyse how older past pupils made sense of their experiences of the ‘post-school reality’. Finally, I investigate why some learners left the school ‘early’ (i.e. ‘dropped out’) to learn how to hustle.
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Notes
- 1.
As was the case with engagements outside school and embodiments of moral possibilities more generally, learners’ Christian faith was not solely influenced by the time they spent at Ngomso. Several learners attended churches at the weekend, although Zamekile was the most outwardly committed. Dumisa had a transformative experience—that is, he “felt” and first acknowledged His power —on a weekend away with his church, similar to the one Zamekile planned to attend. This experience was welcomed and praised by Mary and Joyce, and, during my research, Zamekile was the only learner to come into conflict with members of staff about engagements with other Christian institutions.
- 2.
Although the speaker did not acknowledge his source, his words have much in common with those found in the book of Matthew (7: 24–27).
- 3.
Her words come from the sixth book in the New Testament, Epistle to the Romans (6: 11).
- 4.
In 2004, the Legal Resources Centre took the South African government to the High Court as there were no such schools in the Eastern Cape. During my research, one was available and maintained by the DoE . While legislated directives state that certain ‘young offenders’ should go to Reform Schools rather than prisons , the lack of such provisions has meant these targets have frequently been missed.
- 5.
This exchange with Khuzani was the only time I saw Mary refuse to (re)admit a learner to the school, although Khuzani did later enrol at a high school with the support of Ngomso.
- 6.
I have written and presented an unpublished paper dealing with drug use and conceptualisations of agency, however, it has not ‘made the cut’ into this book. Just briefly, as per Mary’s instruction to Khuzani, members of staff were generally adamant that drug use could, and should be, countered with individualised effort. In contrast, learners valued drugs for various reasons and ‘rehabilitation processes’ were never clear-cut.
- 7.
As per the missionaries that Stambach (2005: 212) came to know in Tanzania, staff did not insist that learners engage in prayer . However, they were praised if they decided to do so. In contrast, during the aforementioned Confirmation ceremony at the Cathedral, the Bishop informed those undergoing the initiation that they should pray every day in order to have a “direction line with Jesus Christ”.
- 8.
In Zigon’s (2008: 52) analysis of the research Parish conducted with the Newar in Nepal, he writes “one of [their] main religious and moral concepts… is the heart, which they consider the seat of moral conscience and consciousness”.
- 9.
This vignette supports my argument in Chap. 4, which states that the most tightly surveilled movements and behaviours belonged to those living at the shelter.
- 10.
Velile was the only learner who spoke about joining Ngomso because he wanted “to learn”. However, even this claim was inseparable from his analysis of the situational context of this decision (i.e. the death of his mother). Only two of the past pupils who were extraordinarily committed to Christianity and schooling (i.e. Errol and Luzuko) said they had valued the prospect of matriculation before joining Ngomso.
- 11.
In line with the analytical theme of justice and retribution, initiation is overseen by senior elders and, in some but not all cases occurs when ‘stick fighting’ is halted and initiates commit to the rule of law (i.e. that of Chiefdoms or what are now most often called “traditional courts”).
- 12.
An insight from Maurice Bloch (2011: np) is particularly relevant here: “All living things are caught in two processes, phylogeny and ontogeny. When we are dealing with our species we have to add a third process: that of history.”
- 13.
Thomas Alexander’s (2013: 196, emphasis in original) reading of John Dewey inspired this sentence; he writes “character is our moral imagination in action” and dependent upon “the flexible ability to integrate the possibilities of the present by using the organized experience of the past in reconstructing present action”.
- 14.
The costs incurred during initiation can include animals for slaughter (e.g. goats or sheep), the services of a ‘traditional surgeon’, alcohol and food for the ‘graduation’ celebrations (which establish relationships), and new clothing (which mark transformations). One journalist (Bullock 2015: np) estimates the total cost to be R10,000 (£450) while an academic (Meel 2005: 58) estimates R3500–R5000. Despite being told how costly initiation was for my interlocutors and their families, I never asked them to estimate the total cost.
- 15.
When the popularity of the rite among the Xhosa did not relent during the nineteenth century, missionaries who wanted to include the young men integral to their mission later compromised with them by selectively supporting ‘initiation schools’ that incorporated Christian teachings (Mills 1995).
- 16.
During the nineteenth century, missionaries encountered a very similar problem: “Fighting and trouble in the mission schools was almost endemic as boys who had undergone the rite used inkwenkwe [uncircumcised boy] or similar disparaging forms of address with those who were not” (Mills 1995: 171).
- 17.
Learners could not undergo initiation and then return to another primary school as they were always already too old to be considered eligible.
- 18.
The Oxford Dictionary (2014: np) defines ‘moffie’ as, “A man regarded as effeminate” or “A male homosexual”; “Afrikaans, perhaps an abbreviation of moffiedaai, dialect variant of hermaphrodite ‘hermaphrodite’.” It would be a valuable and interesting exercise to explore the relationship between sexuality and initiation further, however, given the analytical focus of this chapter, I hope that the reader will forgive me for not doing so here.
- 19.
Mary’s exchange with Sidima was not explicitly oriented by Mary’s faith. However, truth and truthfulness are integral to Christian discourses. For instance, “it is impossible for God to lie” (Hebrews, 6: 18) and “For we cannot do anything against the truth, but only for the truth” (2 Corinthians, 13: 8).
- 20.
In the locality, the issue of unfinished school educations was not isolated to Ngomso and its past pupils. In 1999, for example, 79,000 learners enrolled in Eastern Cape schools. Thirteen years later, when they should theoretically have matriculated, only 28,000 sat but did not necessarily pass, matric exams. In the district encompassing Grahamstown, the respective figures are 3298 versus 1315, representing a 60% drop-out rate. (I recorded these figures during a presentation from the Eastern Cape Education Department in 2011.)
- 21.
There was no ‘special high school’ and no Ngomso learner had ever transitioned to one of the private schools or former Model C schools (i.e. those that catered for Whites during apartheid and continue to be funded by a combination of private and government money) in the city that, to my knowledge, did not tolerate corporal punishment .
- 22.
Importantly, such unemployment figures exclude the “not economically active population”, which includes those categorised as “discouraged job seekers”, of which there were approximately half-a-million in the Eastern Cape in 2010 (ECSECC 2011).
- 23.
Robbins (2007: 297) follows Dumont when arguing that cultures possess “a paramount value that ultimately structures the relations between all the other values it contains and hence the overall structure of the culture as a whole”. “When value-hierarchies break down”, he (2009: 281) argues, “what were once fairly clear cut choices become difficult to make”. Offering an interesting comparison with argument, Robbins (2004, 2009) suggests that the Urapmin of Papua New Guinea experience perpetual, somewhat debilitating, moral dilemmas, as the recently encountered values of Christian, individualistic sin are at odds with the relationist moral values the Urapmin that were prioritised before the arrival of Christian missionaries . Much like my interlocutors, the Urapmin, Robbins argues, are somewhat ‘caught between’ two cultural, moral systems.
- 24.
Individuals can, of course, have both Christian and witchcraft beliefs. Relatedly, some churches and strains of Christianity recognise witchcraft (Niehaus 2001). While some members of staff attended such churches, others spoke disparagingly about this. In particular, Mary was not supportive of a learner who asked her for money so that he might visit a sangoma and I know that she saw no value in such endeavours.
- 25.
Bornstein (2005: 141–2) similarly examines such processes through the lens of a tension between “the Zimbabwean view of morally correct economic behavior that de-emphasized the success of individuals” and the view of the employees of Christian NGOs “who attempted to make the material success of individuals morally acceptable as they trained people to do well economically”.
- 26.
As I hope my analysis elsewhere indicates, by speaking of two ‘alternative’ moral possibilities, I am not suggesting that they were the only ones I encountered during my research or that life in the Eastern Cape is limited to navigations and invocations of them. Nor am I suggesting that my interlocutors lived in accord with one or the other, or that they all embraced them in uniform ways. Instead, I have offered a simplified, theorised, understanding of how my interlocutors were fashioning their lives. Such a depiction does not capture all that is worth knowing about them.
- 27.
More generally, my interlocutors spoke about a “prison language” or a “gangster language”, which were, as I understood it, one and the same. Stone (2002: 389) says that “the prison lexis” (e.g. Shalambombo or Flaaitaal (Ntshangase 2002: 409)) emerged in prisons during the early 1900s and “infiltrated delinquent lexis outside” from the mid-1970s onwards. It is, in general, only comprehensible to members of prison gangs and can be used to conceal information from ‘outsiders’, such as police officers, potential victims, and prison wardens (Manus 2011: 80).
- 28.
The idea that someone may choose to steal a cell phone may have been hypothetical in Mzoxolo’s account, but such responses to the marked inequalities in South Africa are not uncommon. For instance, reported instances of ‘Robberies with aggravating circumstances’ increased in Grahamstown from 44 in 2004 to 344 in 2011, in a city with a population of 70,000 (Crime Stats 2015). South Africa ranks seventh in the world for the number of robberies recorded per 100,000 population (HEUNI 2011).
- 29.
Importantly, Bongani was a paid volunteer and not employed by the DoE . This role was potentially a source of stigma because other past pupils believed that such individuals had not fully transitioned from the care of the school and ‘learner status’. One interlocutor suggested they were “paid with food” (i.e. free meals) and not money, meaning they did not have the freedom to live as they wished. Hence, although Bongani spoke of his sense of pride, some of his peers judged his status to be worthy of shame.
- 30.
Drawing from public discourses of morality , Nyquist (1983: 3) referred to a Middle Class Elite in Grahamstown’s township during apartheid, as the “‘high ones,’ the abaphakamileyo”. Such conceptualisations are productively understood in light of the idea that colonialism and practices of international development, including related processes of schooling, brought with them a framework of meaning that placed individuals against scaled criteria—that is, vertical topography of ‘progress’ or ‘attainment’. In this view of the world and its dynamics, those with university educations are considered to have achieved a higher plane of accomplishment than those without one.
- 31.
Bourdieu (2000: 217) suggests that educative interventions discourage “aspirations [that are] oriented to unattainable goals” and encourage “the adjustment of aspirations to objective chances [of materialisation]”. In suggesting Siseko’s power was limitless, the educator in question appears to have made no such adjustment.
- 32.
Siseko and his friends were quite happy to drink cheaper brands of beer when we socialised in their homes, but they insisted that we drink more expensive bottles of Heineken during our visits to public taverns. I did not tell them that the efforts of my previous colleagues in London were clearly paying off (see Preface).
- 33.
In India and South Africa, as former British colonies, the introduction of government-funded schools was tied to the labour demands of the colonial government. However, school enrolment levels have subsequently increased dramatically in both countries, without a respective increase in government-funded employment, which has compromised the notion that schooling provides a direct route to a government job.
- 34.
The official “youth unemployment” level of the Makana Municipality (including Grahamstown) was 42.2% in 2011 (SSA 2011).
- 35.
Goffman’s (1963: 19–20) work predicts his experience: “[When the object of a stigmatised failing is corrected or repaired], what often results is not the acquisition of fully normal status, but a transformation of self from someone with a particular blemish into someone with a record of having corrected a particular blemish.”
- 36.
Jackson (2012: 131–133) offers an insightful consideration of how different explanations for (mis)fortune correlate with related modes of addressive action, which has informed my analysis here.
- 37.
“The Eastern Cape has the highest net out-migration of any province in SA. [Moreover, in] the absence of high net out-migration the Eastern Cape’s unemployment rates would be much higher than they currently are” (ECSECC 2012: 22). Relatedly, in 2012, Helen Zille, leader of the main opposition party and Premier of the Western Cape, infamously suggested that those leaving the Eastern Cape in search of better school educations in the Western Cape were “education refugees”.
- 38.
- 39.
I knew that he was visiting the cathedral less frequently and preferred to drink alcohol on Sunday mornings because “God was in church”, but did not ask whether his belief in witchcraft indicated a shift in his Christian faith.
- 40.
Niehaus (2012: 5) makes a similar point when treating “the sorts of frustrated expectations, social relations, and misfortunes encountered in contemporary South Africa as one possible context for witchcraft beliefs”.
- 41.
Ashforth (2005: 86) discusses witchcraft and “occult violence” in South Africa as forms of “negative ubuntu”.
- 42.
Jansen (2012: np) considers other influential factors that accord with those I have discussed: that is, “poor quality education; an unpredictable timetable; unreliable teaching; the shortage of basic resources (textbooks and basic science materials etc.); the lack of responsiveness from local, provincial and national education authorities”.
- 43.
I was experiencing what Tom Boylston (2015: np) terms “the anxiety of exchange” when asked for something as a ‘wealthy anthropologist’ while wanting to establish a relationship with a potential interlocutor and feeling he was probably playing/cheating me.
- 44.
The extent of Lizo’s ‘support network’ became clearer when a student friend phoned one afternoon, worried that Lizo was in trouble because he had been crying when speaking about an argument with his sister and the need to ‘sleep rough’. I saw Lizo a few days later. He told me he was walking from his home to town; so either the problem was solved, or it never existed. Either way, my friend had given him money. Another friend gave Lizo his bike when he graduated from university. When Lizo asked me for an expensive takeaway Pizza, I said ‘No’ but assumed other students had bought one for him previously. I did give him money on one further occasion when it was freezing cold and pouring with rain because I believed him when he said he would go home if I did so.
- 45.
See Mark Hunter (2010) for a fuller account of South Africa’s ‘sexual economy’.
- 46.
I would guess that Carter uses the word ‘lunching’ to suggest those ‘punching the clock’ do so absent-mindedly, without thinking about their activity. In this sense, he is suggesting that he consciously hustles while others stupidly miss the opportunity to do so.
- 47.
This quote from the art historian Ybarra-Frausto is relevant to my discussion because art is a craft embraced and produced in reference and response to an artist’s perception of the world, and humans similarly adopt a stance in reference and response to the world when crafting themselves.
- 48.
Valentine also argues that welfare and forms of contracted ‘hard labour’ provided most residents of ‘the ghetto’ with other options, much like my findings in Grahamstown’s location.
- 49.
It is here that the relevance of Lévi-Strauss’ (1962) discussion of ‘bricolage’ is perhaps most relevant. He (ibid: 11) informs us that the verb ‘bricoler’ was “always used with reference to some extraneous movement”, thus describing some motion extrinsic to the body in question. Likewise, Lizo was sure that his life moved in surprising directions that he did not control. In response, he was light-footed and flexible; unbeholden to long-term plans with definitive means and end points. This habitus has much in common with Strauss’ (ibid.) assertion that, for the bricoleur, “the rules of game are always to make do with ‘whatever is at hand’”.
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Pattenden, O. (2018). Being Taught How to Hope. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_7
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