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The Rise and Fall of Automobile Dependence

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The End of Automobile Dependence

Abstract

In the early twentieth century, automobiles began to be used in cities as a convenient replacement for horse-drawn carriages. Henry Ford’s mass-produced Model T, the most influential automobile in history, was sold between 1908 and 1927. With the assistance of a rapidly growing and ever more powerful consortium of automobile interests such as General Motors and Firestone Tires, American cities as early as the 1920s began to tear out their streetcar (tram) systems, thus sowing the seeds for the automobile’s usurping of local transportation. Through this process, New York had lost most of its extensive surface streetcar system by 1926 (Klein & Olson 1996). However, car usage was never really central to city shaping in any urban area until after the 1940s, when major freeway and parking infrastructure began to be built entirely for the automobile. In American cities this process accelerated after 1956 with the establishment of the Highway Trust Fund, which used a dedicated gasoline tax to accumulate prodigious sums of money for freeway building in order to facilitate their vast car-dependent suburbs. A similar process occurred in those Australian cities that, in our data, have developed most closely to the American model.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The choice of cities for the analysis dates back to the original study by Newman and Kenworthy (1989b) that selected a set of the major cities in each region covering a range of population sizes. The data for this research from the time periods 1960, 1970, 1980, and 1990 were sourced from Kenworthy et al. (1999), while taking the mean values for some cities between 1995 (Kenworthy & Laube 2001) and 2005 (Kenworthy 2011b) as well as recent updates of the database. This has created a set of observations for the year 2000 in order to ensure standardized time periods (10 years) for the econometric analysis. As a general rule, though, the data are patchier for the 1960 and 1970 periods. For this reason our data set, which focuses on cities with the most data over the longest period, uses only 26 cities out of the 46 cities in the longitudinal Global Cities database set. In this sense the data alone in the table in the Appendix represent an original contribution to the field of urban research and a rich resource for others.

  2. 2.

    Increases in passenger-car traffic per capita have major and well-documented environmental, social, and economic impacts on urban function, form, and liveability (Boarnet & Sarmiento 1998; Coevering & Schwanen 2006; Giuliano & Dargay 2006), and this has global significance (IPCC 2013). Reducing car dependence requires an understanding of its causes.

  3. 3.

    At least part of this trend was caused by congestion pricing, which began in 2007; however, the decline has continued even as the pricing has stabilized. See: Phillip Pank, “Welcome to the age of the bike: Cyclists ‘must be first’ as car use passes its peak” (London) Times, 6 Nov 2012.

  4. 4.

    See: Emerging Trends in Real Estate 2014, Canada Edition (Online), Urban Land Institute, 2014, pwc.com/en_CA/ca/real-estate/publications/pwc-emerging-trends-in-real-estate-2014-en.pdf (Accessed 28 Feb 2015).

  5. 5.

    See: Emily McWilliams, “Toronto skyline’s ‘absolute transformation’ captured by two photos taken 13 years apart,” National Post (Online), 17 Jan 2015, news.nationalpost.com/2015/01/17/toronto-skylines-absolute-transformation-captured-by-two-photos -taken-13-years-apart/ (Accessed 28 Feb 2015).

  6. 6.

    See: thefifthestate.com.au/business/trends/cars-are-so-yesterday-young-and-rich-leave-guzzlers-behind/33691 (Accessed 18 Nov 2014).

  7. 7.

    Author Newman: In four years on the Board of Infrastructure Australia, I did not find that the costs of urban rail, per kilometer, were any greater than the costs of building urban freeways; however, rail projects were always better if they were assessed in terms of passenger-kilometers and wider economic benefits (including agglomeration economies). No opportunities to use value capture were taken during this period, but, as set out in chapter 6, this will soon change because the evidence of substantial cost savings are now available.

  8. 8.

    Note that this table underrepresents the number of “modern trams.” Switzerland has at least five cities with this mode of rail transit.

  9. 9.

    See: abu-dhabi-metro.com/tag/uae-rail-system (Accessed 21 Dec 2012).

  10. 10.

    See: urbanmobilitychina.com/tag/metro/ (Accessed 6 Oct 2014).

  11. 11.

    Demand-responsive buses are work- or community-related bus services that are not part of regularly scheduled public transit systems. People are generally required to request/book a pickup at a particular time and place, and then the operator works out an optimal route to pick up everyone requiring the service.

  12. 12.

    See: dirt.asla.org/2014/03/10/u-s-public-transportation-use-hits-peak-not-seen-since -the-1950s/ (Accessed 23 Apr 2014).

  13. 13.

    There are alternative views on such trends; see: planetizen.com/node/67997 (Accessed 2 Mar 2015).

  14. 14.

    See: smh.com.au/nsw/dulwich-hill-tram-extension-proving-too-popular-20140402 -35y81.html (Accessed 23 Apr 2014).

  15. 15.

    Some studies show that a more complex relationship exists due to the overwhelming desire for better accessibility and an end to urban sprawl, but most prefer houses with gardens, rather than apartments (though a smaller proportion than before); see: switchboard.nrdc.org/blogs/kbenfield/new_realtors_community_prefere.html (Accessed 7 Feb 2015).

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© 2015 Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy

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Newman, P., Kenworthy, J. (2015). The Rise and Fall of Automobile Dependence. In: The End of Automobile Dependence. Island Press, Washington, DC. https://doi.org/10.5822/978-1-61091-613-4_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.5822/978-1-61091-613-4_1

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