• Sheldon Gellar


Deeming language to be “the chief tool of thought,”2 Tocqueville regarded the sharing of a common language as an instrument for bringing people together and cementing their group identity. In Democracy in America, he observed that the Anglo-American identity of the immigrants coming to America from Great Britain was reinforced by the fact that they all spoke English.This sharing of a common language permitted them to communicate easily and to understand the rules governing their political institutions.3


Language Policy Female Genital Mutilation Official Language National Language Indigenous Language 
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Chapter Nine Language

  1. 7.
    For the relationship between ethnicity and language in Senegal, see Makhtar Diouf, Sénégal: Les Ethnies et la Nation (Dakar: les Nouvelles Editions Africaines du Sénégal, 1998), pp. 73–78.Google Scholar
  2. 14.
    For a list of nearly 1,300 Pulsar proverbs and comments on their meaning, see Henry Gade, Proverbes et Maximes, Peuls et Toucouleurs traduits, expliqués et annotés (Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1931).Google Scholar
  3. 16.
    For French government policies to impose French as the sole language in France, see Brian Weinstein, The Civic Tongue: Political Consequences of Language Choices (New York: Longman, 1983), pp. 85–86 and 141–142.Google Scholar
  4. 17.
    For more on French language policy in France, see James E. Jacob “Language Policy and Political Development in France,” in Brian Weinstein (ed.), Language Policy and Political Development, (Norwood: Ablex Publishing, 1990), pp. 43–65.Google Scholar
  5. 27.
    Diouf, Sénégal: Les Ethnies et la Nation (Dakar: Les Nouvelles Editions Africaines du Sénégal, 1998), pp. 82–95.Google Scholar
  6. 31.
    For example, see FEANF, Francophonie et Néo-Colonialisme: Le Combat Linguistique dans la Lutte de libération du Peuple Sénégalais (Paris: August 1979).Google Scholar
  7. 33.
    For more details about the États Généraux, sec Abdou Sylla, “l’École: quelle réforme,” in MomarCoumba Diop (ed.), Séné gal:Trajectoires d’un État (Paris: Karthala, 1992), pp. 385–389.Google Scholar
  8. 34.
    Donal Cruise O’Brien,“The Shadow-politics of Wolofisation,” The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 36, No. 1 (1991), p. 36.Google Scholar
  9. 39.
    ForWade’s use of urban Wolof, see Leigh Swigart, “Cultural Creolisation and Language Use in Post-Colonial Africa: The Case of Senegal,” Africa, Vol. 64, No. 2 (1994), pp. 183–186.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  10. 40.
    For examples as to how Wolof words has influenced French language usage in Senegal, see Jacques Blonde, Pierre Dumont, and Dominique Gontier, Lexique français du Sénégal (Dakar: Nouvelles Editions Africaines, 1979).Google Scholar
  11. 43.
    For more on this theme, see Souleymane Bachir Diagne, “La Lecon de Musique: Réflexions sur une politique de la culture,” in Momar-Coumba Diop (ed.), Le Sénégal Contemporain (Paris: Karthala, 2002), pp. 243–259. Diagne speaks of the informalization of the state following Senghor and his policy of tight control over Senegalese culture.Google Scholar
  12. For the evolution of Senegalese world music, see Mark Hudson, Jenny Cathcart, and Lucy Duran, “Senegambian Stars are Here to Stay,” in Simon Broughton, Mark Ellingham, and Richard Trillo (eds.), World Music: Africa, Europe and the Middle East, The Rough Guide Volume 1 (London: The Rough Guides,1999), pp. 617–633.Google Scholar

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