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Abstract

In recent years, an increasing number of voices have been raised about the decline of the state. Many follow a broadly liberal line of thought positing that the state flounders as the world economy and transnational contacts grow. Hedge-fund managers, currency speculators, and other economic actors cripple national governments’ attempts at controlling their domestic markets and societies. Political leaders no longer have the power to steer the creation of wealth within their borders by setting interest rates and running successive large budget deficits without considering the reactions of global financial markets. The distinction between the international economy and national economies is breaking down. Indeed, the webs of communication and exchange created by trade, investments, and multinational corporations are giving rise to a new international community—based on business relationships and a sense of a common destiny—challenging the exclusivity of the national state. The idea that global market actors are in charge of, and drive economic, political, and social change—a result of economic growth and technological innovation, allowing individuals and companies to develop loyalties beyond the control and authority of states—is presented as almost conventional wisdom in newspapers and among the general public.1

Keywords

International Relation Liberal Idea Global Financial Market State Decline Nonstate Actor 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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Notes

  1. 2.
    See, e.g., John Gerard Ruggie, “Territoriality and Beyond: Problematizing Modernity in International Relations,” International Organization (Vol. 47, No. 1, 1993), pp. 139–74; James N. Rosenau, Turbulence in World Politics: A Theory of Change and Continuity (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990); Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, DC: Institute for InternationalGoogle Scholar
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    See, e.g., The Economist, “Globalisation and Its Critics: A Survey of Globalisation,” 29 September 2001, p. 14.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    John Hoffman, Beyond the State:AnIntroductoryCritique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), pp. 8 and 97–112. Smith’s approval of the state is evident through-out The Wealth of Nations. For one example, see Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations (London: David Campbell Publishers, 1991 [first published 1776]), p.374. See also Andrew Wyatt Walter, “Adam Smith and the Liberal Tradition in International Relations,” in Ian Clark and Iver B. Neumann (eds.), Classical Theories of International Relations (London: Macmillan Press, 1996), pp. 142–72; P. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960), especially, Ch. 15; and John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1971). For a recent self-professed liberal supporting state regulation of markets, see, e.g., Jan Tumlir, “National Sovereignty, Power and Interest,” Ordo (Band 31, 1980), pp. 1–26.Google Scholar
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    For a similar analysis of ideas and good justification thereof, see Stephen Hobden, International Relations and Historical Sociology: Breaking Down Boundaries (London: Routledge, 1998), especially, pp. 12–16. In contrast to this study, however, Hobden’s purpose is to synthesize the views of his chosen thinkers in order to generate a better understanding of the state and the international system. Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    The brilliantly entitled book The State as a Monster: Gustav Cassel and Eli Heckscher on the Role and Growth ofthe State (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994) by Benny Carlson has provided significant inspiration to this study.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    Martin Wight, International Theory: The Three Traditions, in Gabriele Wight and Brian Porter (eds.) (London: Leicester University Press, 1991).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    Spyros Economides and Peter Wilson, The Economic Factor in International Relations: A Brieflntroduction (London: I. B. Tauris, 2001), p. 199. Economides and Wilson refer specifically to Ohmae. See also Inis L. Claude Jr., “Myths About the State,” Review oflnternational Studies (Vol. 12, No. 1, 1986), p. 10.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    Joseph A. Schumpeter, History ofEconomic Analysis, in E. B. Schumpeter (ed.), (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 5. Google Scholar
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    Ibid., pp. 4–6.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    For an interesting view of the role and worth of the study of intellectual history, see, e.g., Arthur O. Lovejoy, “Reflections on the History of Ideas,” Journal ofthe History ofldeas (Vol. 1, No. 1, 1940), pp. 3–23.Google Scholar
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    Helen Merrell Lynd, England in the Eighteen-eighties: Toward a Social Basis for Freedom (New York, NY Oxford University Press, 1945), p. 23.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    For further discussion, see, e.g., Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1936); James E. Curtis and John W. Petras, “Introduction,” in James E. Curtis and John W. Petras (eds.), The Sociology ofKnowledge:A Reader (London: Duckworth, 1970), p. 12; Karl R. Popper, ThePoverty ofHistoricism, Second Edition (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960), 154–6; and Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume II, Fifth Edition (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966), pp. 212–23, especially p. 222.Google Scholar
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    A. J. P. Taylor, The Troublemakers: Dissent ofForeign Policy, 1792–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1957), p. 15.Google Scholar
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    Fred Halliday, “State and Society in International Relations: A Second Agenda,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies (Vol. 16, No. 2, 1987), p. 219. Reprinted in Fred Halliday, Rethinking International Relations (London: Macmillan Press, 1994), p. 79.Google Scholar
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    For a further discussion, see, e.g., Timothy Mitchell, “The Limits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and Their Critics,” American Political Science Review (Vol. 85, No. 1, 1991), pp. 77–97.Google Scholar
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    F. S. Northedge, The International Political System (London: Faber & Faber, 1976), p. 15 in Halliday, “State and Society,” p. 217.Google Scholar
  19. 20.
    For a critical analysis on the relationship between Halliday’s two concepts of the state, see Hidemi Suganami, “Halliday’s Two Concepts of State,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies (Vol. 17, No. 1, 1988), pp. 71–6. See also Fred Halliday, “States, Discourses, Classes: A Rejoinder to Suganami, Palan, Forbes,” Millennium: Journal of lnternational Studies (Vol. 17, No. 1, 1988), pp. 77–80.Google Scholar

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© Per A. Hammarlund 2005

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  • Per A. Hammarlund

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