Abstract
The nation-state in the eras of imperialism and neoimperialism offers the key to understanding the function of the Haitian-Dominican border. The nation-state arises within a larger context, that of the nation-state system, which, as Anthony Giddens (1990) theorizes, produces a globalizing integration across distances of time and space. A time-space displacement or “stretching process” connecting dispersed regions and periods bears upon local interactions, as with domestic economies and border dealings, in which are assumed the co-presence or proximity of the actors involved. The system is itself self-differentiating, the product of an international division of labor. The broad theoretical framework proposed by Giddens illuminates the character of nation-building as a process by which the intensifying of proto-nationalist or nationalist sentiment responds to the nation-building moves of other powers. In the periods prior to the development of industrialized weaponry and sophisticated telecommunications, and in the case of Hispaniola after the achievement of Dominican independence, it was territorial expansion and the fixing of border demarcations that defined sovereignty and territorial rights.2
When two peoples inhabit the same island, their destinies in terms of foreign initiatives are necessarily interdependent. The survival of one is intricately linked to the survival of the other; each is duty-bound to guarantee security of the other… [T]hese are the powerful motives why our constitutions, from our political beginnings, have declared continuously that the entire island should form a single state. And it was not an ambitious conquest that dictated such a declaration, but a profound commitment to our security.
—Haitian President Fabre Geffrard (1861)1
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Notes
Quoted in Jean Price-Mars, La République d’Haïti et la République Dominicaine. Les aspects divers d’un problème d’histoire, de géographie et d’ethnologie, V.2 (Port-au-Prince: Collection du Tricinquantenaire de l’Indépendance d’Haïti, 1953 ), pp. 210–11.
Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), pp. 64–5, 169.
Gordon K. Lewis, Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society in Its Ideological Aspects 1492–1900 ( Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983 ), pp. 276–7.
Samuel Hazard, Santo Domingo, Past and Present; with a Glance at Hayti (Santo Domingo: Editora de Santo Domingo, 1974; reprint of the original, published in New York: Harper & Brothers, 1873), p. 248.
María Elena Muñoz, Las Relaciones Domínico-Haitianas: Geopolítica y Migración (Santo Domingo: Editora Alfa & Omega, 1995), p. 32.
J. Marino Incháustegui, “Relaciones entre España, Santo Domingo y Haití,” Eme Eme V.26 (September–October 1976; dated “Madrid, 1965”), p. 46.
Carlos Augusto Billini, El caso domínico-haitiano (Separata de la 2 a edición del Curso de Derecho Internacional Público Americano) ( Ciudad Trujillo: Editora Montalvo, 1958 ), pp. 51–2.
Joaquín Balaguer, El centinela de la frontera: vida y hazañas de Antonio Duvergé, 2nd edn. (Santo Domingo: Fuentes Impresores, 1974), pp. 68, 70.
Alan Cambeira, Quisqueya la Bella: The Dominican Republic in Historical and Cultural Perspective (Armonk, NY and London: M. E. Sharpe, 1997), p. 126n.2.
Robert Debs Heinl, Jr. and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492–1995, 2nd edn., rev. and expanded by Michael Heinl (Lanham, MD, New York, London: University Press of America, 1996 ), p. 183.
Selden Rodman, Quisqueya: A History of the Dominican Republic (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964), pp. 64, 65.
Juan Bosch, Composición Social Dominicana. Historia e Interpretación (Santo Domingo: Alfa y Omega, 1988 [1968]), p. 280.
José Ricardo Roques Martínez, El problema fronterizo domínico-haitiano (Santo Domingo: La Cuna de América, n.d.), p. 19.
Quoted in Fradique Lizardo, Cultura africana en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Taller, 1979), pp. 69, 73.
Gérard Pierre-Charles, “Génesis de las Naciones Haitiana y Dominicana,” in Política y sociología en Haití y la República Dominicana. Coloquio DomínicoHaitiano de Ciencias Sociales, Suzy Castor, André Corten, Lil Despradel, and Gérard Pierre-Charles (eds.) ( Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, 1974 ), p. 38.
Joaquín Balaguer, La Isla Al Revés. Haití y el Destino Dominicano (Santo Domingo: Librería Dominicana, 1984 [1947]), p. 31.
Frank Moya Pons, Manual de Historia Dominicana, 10th edn. ( Santo Domingo: Caribbean Publishers, 1995 ), p. 338.
Bernardo Vega, Trujillo y Haití, V.I (1930–1937) ( Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1988 ), p. 25.
David Howard, Coloring the Nation: Race and Ethnicity in the Dominican Republic ( Oxford: Signal Books and Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001 ), p. 28.
David Nicholls, Haiti in Caribbean Context: Ethnicity, Economy and Revolt ( Basingstoke and London: St. Anthony’s/Macmillan, 1985 ), pp. 177–8.
Ramón AntonioVeras, Migración caribeña y un capítulo haitiano ( Santo Domingo: Editora Taller, 1985 ), p. 20.
Balaguer, La Isla Al Revés, p. 71. The Dominican jurist Sánchez i Sánchez alleges that a questionable alteration was made in the text of Article 3 of the seventh conference, the one that ratified the “current possessions.” This alteration in effect annulled the 1874 treaty. The Haitians played the game, according to Sánchez i Sánchez, of never committing themselves steadfastly to any accord or treaty, as in the case of President Canal’s annulation of the 1874 treaty in 1876. See Carlos Augusto Sánchez i Sánchez, El caso domínico-haitiano ( Ciudad Trujillo: Editora Montalvo, 1958 ), pp. 14–15.
Suzy Castor, “El Impacto de la Ocupación Norteamericana en Haití,” in Política y sociología en Haití y la República Dominicana. Coloquio DomínicoHaitiano de Ciencias Sociales, Suzy Castor, André Corten, Lil Despradel and Gérard Pierre-Charles (eds.) ( Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, 1974 ), p. 55.
The production boom would reach record levels in 1930 with its 345,980 tons, yet its export value, appraised at $9.9 million, constituted a considerable drop from 1920’s rate of $45 million for a yield of 159,000 tons. It was the great depression that brought on this decrease in revenues, prompting U.S. refiners to look to Haiti again as the primary source of low-cost cane-cutting labor during the crisis. José del Castillo, Ensayos de sociología dominicana (Santo Domingo: Ediciones Siboney, Taller, 1984), pp. 180–1; Vega, Trujillo y Haití, p. 19.
Senaida Jansen and Cecilia Millán, Género, Trabajo y Etnica en los Bateyes Dominicanos (Santo Domingo: Editora de Colores. Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, Programa Estudios de la Mujer, 1991 ), p. 37.
José Alcántara Almánzar, Narrativa y sociedad en Hispanoamérica (Santo Domingo: Editora Corripio, 1984; Ediciones del Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo), p. 53.
See James Ferguson, The Dominican Republic: Beyond the Lighthouse ( London: Latin American Bureau, 1992 ), p. 17.
Elizabeth Abbott, Haiti: The Duvaliers and Their Legacy (New York, London, Toronto, Sydney, Tokyo, and Singapore: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 40.
Rodman, Quisqueya, p. 124; Monika Latzel, Dominican Republic ( Hong Kong: Apa Publications, 1996 ), p. 12.
Michele Wucker, Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola (New York: Hill & Wang, 1999), p. 102.
Ramón Francisco, “Macaraos del cielo, macaraos de la tierra. El hombre, sus dioses, sus creencias,” in De tierra morena vengo. Imágenes del hombre dominicano y su cultura, 2nd edn., Soledad Alvarez (ed.) ( Santo Domingo: Editora Corripio, 1987 ), p. 120.
José Alcántara Almánzar, Los escritores dominicanos y la cultura (Santo Domingo: Editora Amigo del Hogar, Publicaciones del INTEC, Monografía 21, 1990), p. 61.
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© 2003 Eugenio Matibag
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Matibag, E. (2003). Territorial Imperatives, 1845–1929. In: Haitian-Dominican Counterpoint. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403973801_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403973801_5
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