Abstract
The 1990s began very badly for Cuba. The collapse of the Soviet Union was an economic disaster for the island and the survival of the Revolution was called into question. In international terms, rather than pursuing new policies in the spirit of post-cold war multilateralism (the stated aim of the inaccurately termed New World Order proclaimed by President George Bush), the United States intensified its attacks upon Cuba. Charging that Cuba continued to pose a security threat to the Americas, it introduced aggressive legislation (the Torricelli-Graham Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 and also the Helms-Burton Act of 1996) which strengthened the blockade and confirmed the belief held by the right-wing Cuban lobby in the US that it was now time for the final assault upon Castro. Clinton agreed to Helms-Burton after Cuba’s shooting down of two Hermanos al Rescate (Brothers to the Rescue) planes on 24 February 1996 after they illegally flew over Cuban airspace and after several earlier warnings to the US government that it would take such action.1 The Hermanos had initially formed in order to rescue people on the seas between Cuba and the US coastline following the 1994 balseros crisis. The Cuban government let it be known it would not stop those wishing to leave. Thousands set off from small ports around Havana. After three decades, Washington was compelled to reverse its open door immigration policy when, on 18 August, it ordered the US Coastguard to take any survivors to Guantanamo rather than to the American mainland.
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Notes
Quoted by K. Cole, Cuba from Revolution to Development (London and Washington: Pinter, 1998), p. 54. At the time of writing, Lage was Vice President of the Council of State with special responsibility for the economy.
M. Azicri, Cuba Today and Tomorrow: Reinventing Socialism (Gainesville, Fla: University Press of Florida, 2000), p. 306.
H. Dilla, ‘The Virtues and Misfortunes of Civil Society’, NACLA Report on the Americas, XXX11:5 (March/April 1999), 36.
P. Schwab, Cuba. Confronting the US Embargo (Basingstoke: Macmillan — now Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), pp. 93–5.
A. Aitsiselme, ‘Despite U. S. Embargo Cuban Biotech Booms’, NACLA Report on the Americas, XXXV: 5 (March/April 2002), 38–9.
P. Rosset, ‘The Greening of Cuba’, NACLA Report on the Americas, XXVIII: 3 (November/December 1994), 94.
J. Carranza Valdés, L. Gutiérrez Urdaneta and P. Monreal González, Cuba: la Restructuración de la Economía (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1995), p. 6.
J. Petras, The Left Strikes Back. Class Conflict in the Age of Neoliberalism (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1999), p. 172.
Bacardí left Cuba in 1957. In the 1960s, it provided financial backing for armed groups including the brigadistas and the RECE whilst CANF leaders were shareholders in the company. Bacardi enjoyed close relations with the CIA and right-wing politicians such as Helms and Jeanne Kirkpatrick, Ambassador to the UN, and also participated in Reagan’s Project Democracy. Bacardí’s CEO, Manuel J. Cutillas, supported UNITA in Angola and the Nicaraguan Contra. Since the 1990s, it has been heavily involved in preparations for a Cuban transitional government along with other multinationals such as Coca Cola, General Sugar and Chiquita. Part of the strategy is to sell off all public assets on the island. See H. Calvo Ospina, Bacardí. The Hidden War (London: Pluto, 2000).
Quoted by W. S. Smith, ‘An Ocean of Mischief. Our Dysfunctional Cuban Embargo’, Orbis, 42: 4 (Fall 1998), 537.
Quoted by J. Roy, Cuba, the United States, and the Helms-Burton Doctrine. International Reactions (Gainesville, Fla: University Press of Florida, 2000), pp. 4 and 29.
M. Radu, ‘An Ocean of Mischief. Don’t Reward Castro, Keep the Embargo’, Orbis, 42: 4 (Fall 1998), 546.
H. Calvo Ospina and K. Declercq, Dissidents or Mercenaries? The Cuban Exile Movement (Melbourne: Ocean Press, 2000), p. 76. Dissident groups within Cuba are small, beset by factionalism and vulnerable to state harassment and are wholly dependent upon external funding.
Quoted by T. M. Leonard, Castro and the Cuban Revolution (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1999), p. 147.
G. Peréz Firmat, Life on the Hyphen: the Cuba-American Way (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994) discusses the evolution of the Cuban-American identity but is criticized for idealizing the community by M. J. Castro, ‘The Trouble with Collusion. Paradoxes of the Cuban-American Way’ in D. J. Fernández
M. Cámara Betancourt, Cuba. The Elusive Nation. Interpretations of National Identity (Gainesville, Fla: University Press of Florida, 2000).
A. O’Halloran, ‘Questioning the Primacy of Autonomy in the Women’s Movement: the Case of Cuba’, Central America Women’s Network, 16 (Winter 2002/3), 16.
C. Fusco, ‘Hustling for Dollars. Jinterismo in Cuba’, in K. Kempadoo and J. Doezema, Global Sex Workers. Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition (New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 161.
G. D. Hodge, ‘Colonization of the Cuban Body. The Growth of Male Sex Work in Havana’, NACLA Report on the Americas, XXXIV: 5 (March/April 2001), 23.
I. Lumsden, Machos, Maricones and Gays. Cuba and Homosexuality (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1996), p. 146.
M. Randall, Gathering Rage. The Failure of Twentieth Century Revolutions to Develop a Feminist Agenda (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1992), pp. 138–9.
J. A. Blanco, ‘Cuba: Crisis, Ethics and Viability’ in S. Jonas and E. J. McCaughan (eds), Latin America Faces the Twenty-First Century. Reconstructing a Social Justice Agenda (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1995), pp. 190 and 192.
C. P. Ripley, Conversations with Cuba (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1999), p. 139.
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© 2004 Geraldine Lievesley
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Lievesley, G. (2004). Conclusion. In: The Cuban Revolution. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_7
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