Abstract
In the modern world, production is a function of credit and vice versa. Without credit, large-scale industrial production is not possible whilst, conversely, production generates new sources of credit.1 The formative structure and shape of Japan’s huge productive capacity was designed and set in place by a triumvirate made up of government, bureaucracy and big business working more or less in tandem, as noted in earlier chapters.2 Throughout Japanese history, by and large, it was the bureaucracy that came up with the plans and big business that executed them. However, none of this would have been possible without the political and financial backing of the government that took from one segment of the country (broadly, by levying heavy taxes on the rural population and granting labour only a small share in national income) and gave to another, mostly in the belief that the country as a whole would benefit.3 A similar emphasis obtained after the Second World War, as Japan sought to rebuild and ‘catch up’ with the western industrial powers once more.4 Again, big business received all the help it needed, while the bulk of the population paid the price in low wage rates in comparison with their relatively high productivity, poor housing and living standards generally, a poisoned environment and so on.5 An analysis of Japan’s productive capacity then, cannot be divorced from the social costs that come with it and these costs are imposed, in part, by the priorities of the Japanese government.
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Notes
For a good recent review of the literature, see M. Wright, ‘Who Governs Japan? Politicians and Bureaucrats in the Policy-making Processes’, Political Studies, 47 (1999) 939–54.
See R.W. Goldsmith, The Financial Development of Japan, 1868–1977 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983).
See K. Calder, Strategic Capitalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
M. Itoh, The World Economic Crisis and Japanese Capitalism (London: Macmillan, 1990).
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See inter alia, A. Leyshon, ‘Under Pressure: Finance, Geo-economic Competition and the Rise and Fall of Japan’s Postwar Growth Economy’, in S. Corbridge, R. Martin and N. Thrift (eds), Money, Power and Space (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1994), pp. 116–45.
D. Encarnation and M. Mason, ‘Neither MITI nor America: The Political Economy of Capital Liberalization in Japan’, International Organization, 44 (1990) 25–54 M. Moran, The Politics of the Financial Services Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1991).
D. Encarnation and M. Mason, ‘Neither MITI nor America: The Political Economy of Capital Liberalization in Japan’, International Organization, 44 (1990) 25–54.
M. Moran, The Politics of the Financial Services Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1991).
See A. Blinder, ‘Eight Steps to a New Financial Order’, Foreign Affairs, 78, 5 (1999) 50–63.
On the structural power of capital see S. Gill and D. Law, ‘Global Hegemony and the Structural Power of Capital’, International Studies Quarterly, 33 (1989) 475–99; and S. Gill, ‘The Emerging Hegemony of Transnational Capital: Trilateralism and Global Order’, in Rapkin (ed.), World Leadership and Hegemony, pp. 119–46. See also R. Martin, ‘Stateless Monies, Global Financial Integration and National Economic Autonomy: The End of Geography?’, in Corbridge, Martin and Thrift (eds), Money, Power and Space, pp. 253–77.
See B. Emmott, ‘The Economic Sources of Japan’s Foreign Policy’, Survival, 34, 2 (1992) 50–70.
E. Helleiner, States and the Reemergence of Global Finance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994); and ‘States and the Future of Global Finance’, Review of International Studies, 18 (1992) 31–49.
E. Helleiner, ‘Japan and the Changing Financial Order’, International Journal, 47 (1992) 420–44.
See C. Kindleberger, Manias, Panics and Crashes, 3third edn (London: Macmillan, 1996).
S. Strange, ‘Finance, Information and Power’, Review of International Studies, 16 (1990) 259–74.
For a good review, see B. J. Cohen, ‘Phoenix Risen: The Resurrection of Global Finance’, World Politics, 48 (1996) 268–96.
See H. Patrick, ‘Japan, 1868–1914’, in R. Cameron, Banking in the Early Stages of Industrialization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), pp. 239–89; and references at n. 3, 12, and 27.
See inter alia, R. Dore, Taking Japan Seriously (London: The Athlone Press, 1987); and Beeson, Competing Capitalisms.
For background to the Plaza Accords, see Y. Funabashi, Managing the Dollar (Washington DC: International Institute for Economics, 1988).
On the potential challenge to the dollar signalled by European monetary union see V. Barnett, ‘Watch Out, Dollar’, The Financial Times, 23 April 1998, p. 25; G. Baker, ‘The Emu has Landed’, The Financial Times, 5 May 1998, p. 27; and a special survey on the birth of the Euro in The Financial Times, 30 April 1998. See also, C. F. Bergsten, ‘The Dollar and the Euro’, Foreign Affairs, 76, 4 (1997) 83–95, and ‘America and Europe: Clash of the Titans?’, Foreign Affairs, 78, 2 (1999) 20–34.
See P. Bowles and B. Maclean, ‘Understanding Trade Bloc Formation: The Case of the ASEAN Free Trade Area’, Review of International Political Economy, 3 (1996) 319–48.
See below, and, inter alia, François Godement, The Downsizing of Asia (London: Routledge, 1999).
For further details, see R. Higgott, ‘The Asian Economic Crisis: A Study in the Politics of Resentment’, New Political Economy, 3 (1998) 333–56. See also Hughes, ‘Japanese Policy and the East Asian Currency Crisis’.
Again, even the US policy journals are prepared to admit that the IMF perhaps went too far in its policy prescriptions for Asia. See D. Kapur, ‘The IMF: A Cure or a Curse?’, Foreign Policy, 111 (1998) 114–29.
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© 2002 Dominic Kelly
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Kelly, D. (2002). Mapping Japan’s Role in East Asia: Finance. In: Japan and the Reconstruction of East Asia. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403905307_6
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