Abstract
China has purveyed foreign aid and investments to a number of countries not in the blocs or regions assessed in the previous chapters. This includes aid to several European (at the time Communist Bloc) countries, a number of Middle East countries, some Latin American countries, and even neverCommunist European countries. The list also includes a number of mostly small countries in Oceania.
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Notes
Samuel B. Griffith, Albania and the Sino-Soviet Rift (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1963), p. 41.
People’s Daily, December 8, 1954, cited in John F. Copper, China’s Foreign Aid: An Instrument of Peking’s Foreign Policy (Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath, 1976), p. 35.
Michael B. Yahuda, “China and Europe: The Significance of a Secondary Relationship,” in Thomas W. Robinson and David Shambaugh (eds.), Chinese Foreign Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), p. 275.
Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 36; Harold C. Hinton, China’s Turbulent Quest (New York: Macmillan, 1970), p. 105.
Wolfgang Bartke, China’s Economic Aid (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1975), p. 79. Some questioned China’s ability inasmuch as it had to ship all of its aid to Albania by sea.
See A. Doak Barnett, Communist China and Asia (New York: Random House, 1961), pp. 337–51.
Yu Fai Law, Chinese Foreign Aid: A Study of Its Nature and Goals with Particular Reference to the Foreign Policy and World View of the People’s Republic of China, 1952–1982 (Saarbrucken, Germany: Verlag Breitenbach, 1984), p. 197.
Shu Guang Zhang, Economic Cold War: America’s Embargo against China and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1949–1963 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2001), p. 261.
Robert G. Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations after the Cultural Revolution, 1966–1977 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1978), p. 11.
See John F. Copper, “China’s Military Assistance,” in John F. Copper; and Daniel S. Papp (eds.), Communist Nations Military Assistance (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), p. 112.
See Michael B. Yahuda, China’s Role in World Affairs (London: Croom Helm Ltd, 1979), p. 207.
Joseph Camilleri, Chinese Foreign Policy: The Maoist Era and Its Aftermath (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980), p. 127.
Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao: the Unknown Story (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), p. 585.
Copper, China’s Foreign Aid in 1978 (Baltimore: University of Maryland School of Law, 1979), p. 24.
See Xinhua, July 3, 1978, and Peking Review, July 26, 1978, both cited in John F. Copper, “China’s Military Assistance,” in John F. Copper and Daniel S. Papp (eds.), Communist Nations’ Military Assistance (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), p. 112. Confirming the scope of China’s military assistance to Albania, it was reported Albania sold Chinese weapons and ammunition to an arms company that in turn sold it to the US military for use in the war in Afghanistan. See “US Ambassador Implicated in Scheme to Conceal Origin of Chinese Ammo,” exportlawblog, June 23, 2008 (online at exportlawblog. com) and C. J. Chivers, “Supplier under Scrutiny on Arms for Afghanistan,” New York Times, March 27, 2008 (online at nytimes.com).
Cited in Elez Biberaj, Albania and China: A Study of an Unequal Alliance (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1986), pp. 135–36.
People’s Daily, November 7, 1956, and Alexander Eckstein, Communist China’s Economic Growth and Foreign Trade (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), p. 140, both cited in Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 38. The type of aid China announced may not have been accurate; according to Chang and Halliday, Mao said at the time the aid did not have to be repaid. See Mao: The Unknown Story, p. 383.
See James E. Dornan and Nigel De Lee, The Chinese War Machine: A Technical Analysis of the Strategy and Weapons of the People’s Republic of China (Wroughton, UK: Salamander Books, 1979), p. 50 and Bradley Hahn, “The People’s Republic of China—Recent Naval Developments and Trends,” Proceedings of the Second International Symposium on Asian Studies, Asian Research Service, 1980, p. 90, both cited in Copper, “China’s Military Assistance,” p. 114. Chinese weapons were being made in North Korea at this time.
See Janos Horvath, Chinese Technology Transfer to the Third World: A Grants Economy Analysis (New York: Praeger, 1976), p. 13. The author says the loan was for $45 million.
Samuel S. Kim, “China and the United Nations,” in Elizabeth Economy and Michel Oksenberg (eds.), China Joins the World: Progress and Prospects (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1999), p. 54.
Samuel S. Kim, “Chinese Foreign Policy Faces Globalization Challenges,” in Alastair Iain Johnston and Robert S. Ross (eds.), New Directions in the Study of China’s Foreign Policy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005), p. 295.
In 2009, China granted $500,000 to Ukraine to deal in medical aid. See “$500,000 to Ukraine to Deal with A/H 1N1 Flu,” Xinhua, December 8, 2009 (online at xinhuanet.com.cn). The aircraft carrier was towed to a dry dock in Dalian where it underwent completion. It was named the Liaoning and is 300 meters long and weighs 60,000 tons. See David Shambaugh, China Goes Global: The Partial Power (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), p. 292.
Tom Little, “Nasser and the Cold War Strategy,” Arab World, July 1959, p. 8, cited in Joseph E. Khalili, Communist China’s Interaction with the Arab Nationalists since the Bandung Conference (New York: Exposition Press, 1970), p. 99.
Cairo Radio, May 16, 1956, and “Peking and Cairo,” China News Analysis, November 22, 1956, cited in Yitzhak Shichor, The Middle East in China’s Foreign Policy, 1949–1977 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 43.
Lillian Craig Harris, China Considers the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris, 1993), p. 90.
Anne Gilks and Gerald Segal, China’s and the Arms Trade (London: Croom Helm, 1985), p. 51.
See Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, The Cairo Documents: The Inside Story of Nasser and His Relationship with World Leaders, Rebels, and Statesmen (New York: Doubleday, 1973), chapter 10. It is also noteworthy that Nasser became president in June; China’s aid pledge was made in November.
In May 1955, Egypt proposed to the Arab League about recognizing China. See Joseph E. Khalili, Communist China’s Interaction with the Arab Nationalists (New York: Exposition Press, 1970), p. 96.
For further details, see Robert C. North, The Foreign Relations of China (Colorado Springs, CO: Dickenson Publishing Co., 1974), p. 137.
Bartke, China’s Economic Aid, p. 112; Copper, China’s Foreign Aid, p. 73. Bartke says that none of China’s aid was used. It was reported elsewhere that only around 13 percent of the aid pledge had been drawn. See Mahmud al- Maragh, “What in the Talks between Egypt and People’s Republic of China,” Ruz al-Yusuf, February 23, 1970, cited in Yitzhak Shichor, The Middle East in China’s Foreign Policy, 1949–1977 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 206.
“Developments of the Quarter: Comment and Chronology,” Middle East Journal, Summer 1965, p. 352, cited in North, The Foreign Relations of China, p. 138, and Mohammed Heikal, The Cairo Documents: The Inside Story of Nasser and His Relationship with World Leaders, Rebels and Statesmen (New York: Doubleday, 1973), p. 313.
Yitzhak Shichor, The Middle East in China’s Foreign Policy, 1949–1977 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1979), p. 109.
G. W. Choudhury, China in World Affairs (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), p. 279.
Harold Hinton, Communist China in World Politics (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1966), p. 185; Goldman, Soviet Foreign Aid, p. 46.
John W. Garver, Foreign Relations of the People’s Republic of China (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993), p. l38.
Sidney Klein, Politics versus Economics: The Foreign Trade and Aid Policies of China (Hong Kong: International Studies Group, 1968), p. 170.
Ze’ef Schiff and Raphael Rothstein, Fedayeen (London: Valentine & Mitchell, 1971), p. 209, cited in ibid.
Jon B. Alterman, “The Vital Triangle,” in Bruce Wakefield and Susan L. Levenstein (eds.), China and the Persian Gulf: Implications for the United States (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center, 2011), pp. 27–37. According to two writers, China has no vital strategic interest that needs to be protected in the Middle East. The region is distant from China and is not an area where hostile forces could threaten China. It is not a traditional sphere of influence. China can deal with the oil problem there by paying more if prices are increased.
See Jon B. Alterman and John W. Garver, The Vital Triangle: China, the United States and the Middle East (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2008), p. 18.
Lu Ning, “Central Leadership, Supraministry Coordinating Bodies, State Council Ministries, and Party Departments,” in David M. Lampton (ed.), The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978–2000 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), p. 51. Arms sales became viewed as foreign trade at that time.
Manochehr Dorraj and Carrie Liu Currier, “China’s Quest for Energy Security in the Middle East: Strategic Implications,” in Carrie Liu Currier and Manochehr Dorraj (eds.), China’s Energy Relations with the Developing World (New York: Continuum, 2011), p. 65.
Afshin Molavi, “The New Silk Road, “Chindia,” and the Geo-Economic Ties That Bind the Middle East and Asia,” in Bruce Wakefield and Susan L. Levenstein (ed.), China and the Persian Gulf: Implications for the United States (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center, 2011), p. 45.
Danile L. Byman and Roger Cliff, China’s Arms Sales: Motivations and Implications (Santa Monica, CA: Rank Corporation, 1999), p. 50.
David H. Shinn, “Military and Security Relations: China, Africa and the Rest of the World,” in Robert I. Rotberg, China into Africa: Trade, Aid, and Influence (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), p. 162. It is uncertain how much of this was free aid and how much was sales. In any case, China did not gain much leverage over Cairo’s policies in view of the fact that US arms aid totaled $5.8 billion during this period.
John W. Garver, China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006), p. 166.
Robert Lowe and Claire Spencer, Iran, Its Neighbors, and the Regional Crises (London: Chatham House, 2006)
cited in Geoffrey Kemp, The East Moves West: India, China, and Asia’s Growing Presence in the Middle East (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2010), p. 77.
David Patrikarikos, Nuclear Iran: The Birth of an Atomic State (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012), p. 135.
See Sutter, Chinese Foreign Relations, pp. 300–1 and Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell, China’s Search for Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013), pp. 182–83.
David H. Shinn and Joshua Eisenman, China and Africa: A Century of Engagement (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), pp. 234–35.
Dennis Warner, Hurricane from China (New York: Macmillan, 1961), p. 101.
Hang Shixue, “The Chinese Foreign Policy Perspective,” in Riordan Roett and Guadalupe Paz (eds.), China’s Expansion into the Western Hemisphere: Implications for Latin America and the United States (Washington, DC: Brookings, 2008), p. 29.
Carol Fogarty, Chinese Economy Post-Mao. Washington, DC: Joint Economic Committee of Congress, 1978. Also see Bartke, China’s Economic Aid, p. 105. Bartke states that the loan was for $65 million.
R. Even Ellis, China in Latin America: The Whats and Wherefores (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009), p. 149.
Hungdah Chiu, “China and the Law of the Sea Conference,” in James C. Hsiung and Samuel S. Kim (eds.), China in the Global Community (New York: Praeger, 1980), p. 192.
See Qi Leyi, “Communist China and Cuba Sign Military Cooperation Agreement,” China Times, January 2, 2001, p. 14, and Bill Gertz, “China Secretly Shipping Cuba Arms,” Washington Post, June 12, 2001, p. A1, both cited in Chung-chian Teng, “Hegemony or Partnership: China’s Strategy and Diplomacy toward Latin America,” in Joshua Eisenman, Eric Heginbotham, and Derek Mitchell (eds.), China and the Developing World: Beijing’s Strategy for the Twenty-First Century (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2007), p. 92.
See Mark M. Lowenthal, Intelligence: From Secrets to Policy (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2009), p. 319.
Geoff Dyer, The Contest of the Century: The New Era of Competition with China—and How America Can Win (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014), p. 261. According to another source China’s investments in Venezuela amount to more than half of its total investments in Latin America. See “Flexible Friends,” Economist, April 12, 2014, p. 28.
Douglas E. Schoen and Melik Kaylan, The Russia-China Axis: The New Cold War and America’s Crisis of Leadership (New York: Encounter Books, 2014), pp. 66–67.
Juan Pablo Cardenal and Heriberto Araujo, China’s Silent Army The Pioneers, Traders, Fixers and Workers Who Are Remaking the World in Beijing’s Image (New York: Crown, 2014), p. 314.
See Terence Wesley-Smith, China in Oceania: New Forces in Pacific Politics (Honolulu: East-West Center, 2007), chapter 1, for an overview of China’s interests in the region. There have been no Chinese settlements, however, in Tuvalu, Tokelau, or Niue. There are a total of around 80,000 Chinese living in Oceania, including 20,000 in Fiji and 20,000 in Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu have recently attracted Chinese businesspeople. See Graeme Dobell, “The Pacific Proxy: China vs. Taiwan,” ABC Radio Australia (cited in “Sino-Pacific Relations,” Wikipedia (viewed August 2011).
See Terence Wesley-Smith, “China’s Pacific Engagement,” in Terence Wesley-Smith and Edgar A. Porter (eds.), China in Oceania: Reshaping the Pacific? (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010), p. 43.
Beijing Domestic Service, April 22, 1979, cited in Thomas W. Robinson, “Sino-Soviet Competition in Asia,” in Douglas T. Stuart and William T. Tow (eds.), China, the Soviet Union and the West: Strategic and Political Dimensions in the 1980s (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), p. 189.
Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999), p. 691.
Michael Godley, “China: The Waking Giant,” in Ron Crocombe, Te’o Fairbairn, Yash Ghai, et al. (eds.), Foreign Forces in Pacific Politics (Suva, Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies, 1983), pp. 131 and 139.
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Copper, J.F. (2016). China’s Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy in Other Regions— Europe, the Middle East, Latin America, and Oceania. In: China’s Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy, Volume III. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137532688_3
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