Abstract
There are different visions of Greenland. For the inhabitants, Kalaallit Nunaat is a homeland with increasing autonomy and independence.1 For most of the world, Greenland is often reduced to its ice cap, a ‘global laboratory’ for science, and an emblem of climate change for environmental NGOs and, increasingly, global civil society. For Denmark, the island is a constituent part of the Danish Kingdom. For North Americans, especially the US military, Greenland is geographically, geologically, and continentally part of North America. For some representatives in the European Parliament or the European Commission, Greenland is part of Europe, offering a further window for the European Union to develop its Northern Dimension. For many new actors in the Arctic, whether for multi-nationals wanting to develop resources or Asian states such as China and South Korea, Greenland is depicted as a ‘newly-independent state’ seeking new partners for development.
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Notes
On the Norse colonies in Greenland, see K. A. Seaver (1996) The Frozen Echo: Greenland and the Exploration of North America ca. A.D. 1000–1500 (Stanford: Stanford University Press);
and K. A. Seaver (2008) ‘ “Pygmies” of the Far North’, Journal of World History, 19, 63–87.
R. C. Powell (2010) ‘Lines of Possession? The Anxious Constitution of a Polar Geopolitics’, Political Geography, 29, 74–7;
R. C. Powell and K. Dodds (2014) ‘Polar Geopolitics’, in R. C. Powell and K. Dodds, eds, Polar Geopolitics? Knowledges, Resources and Legal Regimes (Cheltenham and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar), pp. 3–18.
K. Loftsdóttir and L. Jensen (2012) ‘Nordic Exceptionalism and the Nordic “Others”’, in K. Loftsdóttir and L. Jensen, eds, Whiteness and Postcolonialism in the Nordic Region: Exceptionalism, Migrant Others and National Identities (New York: Springer), pp. 1–11;
L. Jensen (2012) ‘Danishness as Whiteness in Crisis: Emerging Post-Imperial and Development Aid Anxieties’, in K. Loftsdóttir and L. Jensen, eds, Whiteness and Postcolonialism, pp. 105–17.
E. Volquardsen and L.-A. Körber (2014) ‘The Postcolonial North Atlantic: An Introduction’, in L.-A. Körber and E. Volquardsen, eds, The Postcolonial North Atlantic: Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands (Berlin: NordeuropaInstitut der Humboldt-Universität), pp. 7–29.
D. Scott (1995) ‘Colonial Governmentality’, Social Text, 43, 191–220.
On this, see the important work of Danish historian Søren Rud. S. Rud (2009) ‘A Correct Admixture: The Ambiguous Project of Civilising in Nineteenth-Century Greenland’, Itinerario, 33, 29–43;
and S. Rud (2014) ‘Governance and Tradition in Nineteenth-Century Greenland’, Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 16, 551–71.
Loftsdóttir and Jensen, ‘Nordic Exceptionalism’. See also K. Hvenegård-Lassen and S. Maurer (2012) ‘Bodies and Boundaries’, in K. Loftsdóttir and L. Jensen, eds, Whiteness and Postcolonialism, pp. 119–39;
R. Adler-Nissen and U. P. Gad (2014) ‘Introduction: Postimperial Sovereignty Games in the Nordic region’, Cooperation and Conflict, 49, 3–32;
and M. Naum and J. M. Nordin (2013) ‘Introduction: Situating Scandinavian Colonialism’, in M. Naum and J. M. Nordin, eds, Scandinavian Colonialism and the Rise of Modernity: Small Time Agents in a Global Arena (New York: Springer), pp. 3–16.
The Danish and Norwegian crowns were joined from 1380 until 1814. For a brief discussion of colonial relations between Denmark and Norway, see I. B. Neumann (2014) ‘Imperializing Norden’, Cooperation and Conflict, 49, 119–29.
A. K. Sørensen (2006) Denmark–Greenland in the Twentieth Century (Copenhagen: Commission for Scientific Research in Greenland), p.12.
U. P. Gad (2014) ‘Greenland: A Post-Danish Sovereign Nation-state in the Making’, Cooperation and Conflict, 49, 98–118.
In Greenlandic, the term was niuertogarfik. See the discussion in R. Petersen (1995) ‘Colonialism as Seen from a Former Colonized Area’, Arctic Anthropology, 32, 118–26.
J. Boel and S. T. Thuesen (2010) ‘Greenland and the World: The Impact of World War II on Danish-Greenlandic Relations’, in K. Langgård, F. Nielsen, B. Kleist Pedersen, K. Pedersen, and J. Rygaard, eds, Cultural and Social Research in Greenland — Selected Essays 1992–2010 (Nuuk: Forlaget Atuagkat), pp. 9–35.
Lill Rastad Bjørst’s excellent work is an important contribution here. See L. Rastad Bjørst (2008) En Anden Verden: Fordomme og stereotyper om Grønland og Arktis (Copenhagen: BIOS).
L. Jensen (2012) Danmark: Rigsfællesskab, tropekolonier og den postkoloniale arv (Copenhagen: Hans Reitzels Forlag).
B. Blüdnikow (1989) ‘Denmark during the First World War’, Journal of Contemporary History, 24, 683–703.
D. A. Berry (2012) ‘Cryolite, The Canadian Aluminium Industry and the American Occupation of Greenland during the Second World War’, Polar Journal, 2, 219–35.
J. Dahl (2010) ‘Identity, Urbanization and Political Demography in Greenland’, Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies, 27, 125–40.
J. Strandsbjerg, (2014), ‘Making Sense of Contemporary Greenland: Indigeneity, Resources and Sovereignty’, in Richard C. Powell and Klaus Dodds, eds, Polar Geopolitics?: Knowledges, Resources and Legal Regimes (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing), pp. 259–76;
F. Sowa (2013) ‘Relations of Power and Domination in a World Polity: The Politics of Indigeneity and National Identity in Greenland’, in L. Heininen, ed., Arctic Yearbook 2013 (Akureyri, Iceland: Northern Research Forum), pp. 184–93;
and K. Thisted (2013), ‘Discourses of Indigeneity: Branding Greenland in the Age of Self-Government and Climate Change’, in S. Sörlin, ed., Science, Geopolitics and Culture in the Polar Region: Norden Beyond Borders (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate), pp. 227–58.
As Damien Degeorges argues, this requires very little lobbying capacity from the perspective of a major Multi-National Company. See D. Degeorges (2013) Denmark, Greenland and the Arctic: Challenges and Opportunities of Becoming the Meeting Place of Global Powers (Copenhagen: Royal Danish Defence College).
According to anthropologist Mark Nuttall, the BMP is known locally in Nuuk as ‘The Republic’ because of its perceived power, lack of transparency, and the absence of any appeals process for its decisions. See M. Nuttall (2013) ‘Zero-Tolerance, Uranium and Greenland’s Mining Future’, Polar Journal, 3, 368–83.
H. Petersen (2001) ‘Legal Cultures in the Danish Realm: Greenland in Focus’, in K. Hastrup, ed., Legal Cultures and Human Rights: The Challenge of Diversity (Leiden: Kluwer Law International), pp. 67–83;
H. Petersen (2008) ‘Legal Cultures on the Move’, Retfærd (Nordic Journal of Law and Justice), 31:123 (4), 3–22;
H. Petersen (2008) ‘Privileges, Rights and Advantages: Inuit, Danish, and European Subjects in the Making’, Scandinavian Studies in Law, 53, 205–18.
R. Hubbard (2014) ‘Mining in Greenland and Free, Prior and Informed Consent: A Role for Corporations?’, Nordisk Miljörättslig Tidskrift/Nordic Environmental Law Journal, 1, 99–118.
Government of Greenland (2014) Greenland’s Oil and Mineral Strategy 2014– 2018 (Nuuk: Government of Greenland).
C. Vestergaard (2015) ‘Greenland, Denmark and the Pathway to Uranium Supplier Status’, The Extractive Industries and Society, 2, 153–61.
A. J. K. Bailes and L. Heininen (2012) Strategy papers on the Arctic or High North: A Comparative Study and Analysis (Reykjavik: University of Iceland); and Gad, ‘Greenland’.
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Powell, R.C. (2016). Institutions, Resources, and the Governance of Postcolonial Greenland. In: Berry, D.A., Bowles, N., Jones, H. (eds) Governing the North American Arctic. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137493910_10
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137493910_10
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