Abstract
When Henrietta Maria married Charles I in 1625 and Marie Antoinette married the future Louis XVI in 1770, both princesses experienced the most significant transformation in the life cycle of an Early Modern European woman. They became wives, assuming the social identities of their husbands. Royal weddings of the period attracted extensive popular interest and comment because the couples were participating in a ritual familiar to both genders and members of all social estates. Although numerous factors separated an elite wedding from the experiences of most Europeans, royal marriage still provided an opportunity for subjects to identify with their sovereigns.1 While public discussion of a monarch’s policies usually occurred at gatherings of nobles or educated townspeople, critiques of royal marital relations occurred in diverse settings. Debates concerning the royal couple provided opportunities for women in particular to participate in the emerging public sphere with the authority of their own experiences, beginning their statements with phrases such as “If I were the Queen…” or “I know the Queen to be…” A royal wedding therefore had a social and political impact beyond the immediate diplomatic and personal goals of any individual marriage contract.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution.
Buying options
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Learn about institutional subscriptionsPreview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
Outside noble and courtly circles, most marriages in Early Modern Europe were celebrated between couples in their twenties who belonged to the same locality. Marriage celebrations themselves were relatively simple. For marriage demographics in early modern England and France, see Merry Weisner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 72–78.
Susan Moller Okin, “Patriarchy and Married Women’s Property in England: Questions on Some Current Views,” Eighteenth-Century Studies (Volume 17, Number 2, Winter 1983–1984), p. 12.
See Ozment, Ancestors, pp. 33–37 and Alan Macfarlane, Marriage and Love in England: Modes of Reproduction 1300–1840 (London: Blackwell, 1987), p. 46.
Veevers, Images of Love and Religion, p. 205 and Karen Hearne (ed.), Van Dyck andBritain (London: Tate Publishing, 2009), p. 65.
For a publicly circulated English translation of the marriage articles printed in 1625, see BL, Egerton Mss 2026, f. 68. The clauses protecting Henrietta Maria’s Catholicism were also reprinted and circulated during the English Civil Wars in William Prynne, The Popish Royal Favourite (London: William Spark, 1643), p. 53.
Anne Kugler, “Constructing Wifely Identity: Prescription and Practice in the Life of Lady Sarah Cowper,” The Journal of British Studies (Volume 40, Number 3, July 2001), pp. 291–323.
Louis, Chevalier de Jacourt, “tLa Femme” in Jacques d’Alembert and Denis Diderot, The Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, par une Société de Gens de letters (Paris: Brisson, David, Le Breton, and Durand, 1751–1772), Volume 6, p. 471.
Dena Goodman, The Republic ofLetters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996), pp. 32–33.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile, trans. Barbara Foxley (London: Everyman, 1998), p. 388.
This letter is reprinted in Green, Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, pp. 5–6 and Various Authors, Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1869)
The royal houses of France and Spain were the only powers that could provide a dowry large enough to meet England’s financial needs. See Conrad Russell, Parliaments and English Politics 1621–1629 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), p. 154.
Garrett Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon (New York: Book-of-the-Month Club, 1990), pp. 142–143.
Giles Tremlett, Catherine of Aragon: Henry’s Spanish Queen (London: Faber and Faber Ltd, 2010), pp. 160–161.
Glyn Redworth, The Prince and the Infanta: The Cultural Politics of the Spanish Match (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), pp. 39–50
Bell, “The Three Marys,” p. 95 and Geraldine A. Johnson, “Pictures Fit for a Queen: Peter Paul Rubens and the Marie de’ Medici Cycle,” Art History (Volume 16, Number 3, September 1993), p. 458.
Kevin Sharpe, “The Image of Virtue: The Court and Household of Charles I, 1625–1642,” in David Starkey (ed.), The English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London: Longman, 1987), p. 247.
Michael Questier, Stuart Dynastic Policy and Religious Politics, 1621–1625 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 22–23.
Caroline Hibbard, “Henrietta Maria in the 1630s: Perspectives on the Role of Consort Queens in Ancien Regime Courts,” in Ian Atherton and Julie Saunders (eds.), The 1630s: Interdisciplinary Essays on Culture and Politics in the Caroline Era (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006), pp. 92–93.
“Les souffrances des pauvres catholiques et des autres qui sont serviteurs du Roi monseigneur m’est plus sensible que quoy qui me put arriver en mon particulier. Imaginés quelle est ma condition de voir le pouvoir osté au Roy, les Catholiques persécutés.” Letter from Queen Henrietta Maria of England to Christine, Duchess of Savoy, 18 August 1641, in Hermann Ferrero (ed.), Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, Reine d’Angleterre a sa Soeur Christine Duchesse de Savoie (Rome: Bocca Freres, 1881), p. 58.
J. S. A. Adamson, “Chivalry and Political Culture in Caroline England,” in Kevin Sharpe and Peter Lake (eds.), Culture andPolitics in Early Stuart England (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993), pp. 170–177.
Thomas Carew, Coelum Britanicum, A Masque at Whitehall in the Banqueting House, on Shrove Tuesday Night, the 18 of February, 1633 (London: Thomas Walkley, 1634), p. 9.
Graham Parry, TheArts oftheAnglican CounterReformation: Glory, Laud and Honour (Woodbride: The Boydell Press, 2006), pp. 127–128.
A recent biographer of Mary I argues that the burnings would not have persisted in the popular imagination without the widespread dissemination of Foxe’s work, with its gruesome illustrations. See Linda Porter, Mary Tudor: The First Queen (London: Piatkus Books, 2009), pp. 361–362.
Anonymous, Epithalamium: Gallo-Britanicum (London: Thomas Archer, 1625), p. 1
Alison Plowden, Henrietta Maria: Charles I’s Indomitable Queen (London: Sutton Publishing, 2001), p. 28.
Susan Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), p. 100.
Caroline Hibbard, “The Contribution of 1639: Court and Country Catholicism,” Recusant History (Volume 16, Issue 1, 1982), pp. 42–60.
Christopher Highley, Catholics Writingthe Nation in Early Modern Britain and Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 157–158.
Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, CCXI Sociable Letters (London: William Wilson, 1664), pp. 15–16.
Whitaker, Mad Madge, pp. 53–56 and Emma L. E. Rees, Margaret Cavendish: Gender, Genre, Exile (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), pp. 43–44.
See Margaret R. Darrow, “Popular Concepts of Marital Choice in Eighteenth Century France,” Journal of Social History (Voume 19, Number 2, 1985), pp. 261–272.
See Evelyne Lever, Madame de Pompadour: A Life (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2002), pp. 168–179.
Rousseau, Emile, pp. 429 and 446 and Susan Moller Okin, “The Fate of Rousseau’s Heroines,” in Lynda Lange (ed.), Feminist Interpretations of Jean-Jacques Rousseau (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002), p. 99.
Jennifer Popiel, Rousseau’s Daughters: Domesticity, Education and Autonomy in Modern France (Lebanon: University of New Hampshire Press, 2008), p. 9.
This unity between the physical existence of the monarch and the divine right of kingship encouraged the theory of “The King’s Two Bodies.” Ernst Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 7.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Politics and the Arts: Letter to M. D’Alembert on the Theatre, trans. and ed. Allan Bloom (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1960), p. 49
Lever, Madame de Pompadour, pp. 115–122 and Joan Haslip, Marie Antoinette (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), p. 105.
Various Authors, Lettre desLaboureuses de la Paraisse de Noisipres Versailles a la Reine (Paris: n.p., 1775)
Sarah Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs: The Causes Celebres of Prerevolutionary France (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 167–211
Frances Mossiker, The Queen’s Necklace (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961)
Frantz Funck-Bretano, LAffaire du Collier (Paris: Hachette, 1901)
Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution (New York: Knopf, 1989), pp. 203–227.
Copyright information
© 2016 Carolyn Harris
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Harris, C. (2016). Wife of the King. In: Queenship and Revolution in Early Modern Europe. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137491688_4
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137491688_4
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, New York
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-57026-3
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-49168-8
eBook Packages: HistoryHistory (R0)