Abstract
As noted in the Introduction, despite the great influence of modern scholarship on nationalism—with particular reference to the classic studies of Ernest Gellner, Benedict Anderson, Eric Hobsbawm, and Terence Ranger1—only a few historians have attempted to define the causes and experiences of nationalist phenomena by including among their case studies the United States in the Civil War era and nation-building in Abraham Lincoln’s time. Still in 2009, Mark Neely asked a crucial question: “Lincoln was America’s most important nationalist, but what does his career mean when measured by these [Anderson’s, Gellner’s, and Hobsbawm’s and Rangers’] new ideas?”2 Among the few scholars who have sought an answer to this question and to other related questions on nineteenth-century American nationalism, particularly worthy of mention are Liah Greenfeld, James McPherson, Don Doyle, and Thomas Bender.3 While Liah Greenfeld has looked at the construction of the American nation—within which the Civil War represented the crucial final stage—in comparative perspective with nation-building in other countries such as Britain, Germany, and Russia, James McPherson has investigated in depth the meaning of the distinction between “ethnic nationalism,” which represented a belief in a common ethnic background, as was the case in many European nations, and “civic nationalism,” which represented a belief in shared values, as was the case in Civil War America.
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Notes
See Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983);
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1991);
Eric J. Hobsbawm, “Introduction: Inventing Tradition,” in Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds. The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 1–14.
Mark E. Neely, “Lincoln, Slavery, and the Nation,” Journal of American History 96:2 (2009), 458.
See Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995);
James McPherson, Is Blood Thicker than Water? Crises of Nationalism in the Modern World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999);
Don H. Doyle, Nations Divided: America, Italy, and the Southern Question (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003);
and Thomas Bender, A Nation among Nations: America’s Place in World History (New York: Hill & Wang, 2006).
For other important works that take into account the new scholarship on nationalism in dealing with the United States during the Civil War era, see especially Robert E. May, ed., The Union, the Confederacy, and the Atlantic Rim (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 1995);
Susan-Mary Grant, North over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2000);
and André Fleche, The Revolution of 1861: The American Civil War in an Age of Nationalist Conflict (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012).
For other important general works on nationalism that incorporate some aspects of the U.S. Civil War era, see Don H. Doyle and Marco Pamplona, eds., Nationalism in the New World (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006);
Don H. Doyle, ed., Secession as an International Phenomenon: From the America’s Civil War to Contemporary Separatist Movements (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010);
and Lloyd Kramer, Nationalism in Europe & America: Politics, Culture, and Identity since 1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011).
See David M. Potter, “Civil War,” in C. Van Woodward, ed., The Comparative Approach to American History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 147–158.
On the wider Euro-American perspective, see especially Peter Kolchin, A Sphinx on the American Land: The Nineteenth-Century South in Comparative Perspective (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2003);
C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Connections and Comparisons (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004);
Enrico Dal Lago, American Slavery, Atlantic Slavery, and Beyond: The U.S. “Peculiar Institution” in International Perspective (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2012);
Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 2014);
and Jurgen Osterhammel, The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014).
See Potter, “Civil War,” 147–158; Raimondo Luraghi, “The Civil War and the Modernization of American Society: Social Structure and Industrial Revolution in the Old South before and during the War,” Civil War History 18 (1972), 230–250; Bender, A Nation among Nations, chapter 3;
and Tiziano Bonazzi, “Postfazione. La guerra civile Americana e la ‘nazione universale,’” in Tiziano Bonazzi and Carlo Galli, eds., La Guerra Civile Americana vista dall’Europa (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004), 463–502.
See also Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (London: Penguin, 1966);
and, more recently, Felipe F. Armesto, The Americas: The History of a Continent (New York: Phoenix, 2003).
Bonazzi, “Postfazione,” 463–502. On transnational connections, rather than comparisons, between the American Civil War Era and the Italian Risorgimento, see especially Paola Gemme, Domesticating Foreign Struggles: The Italian Risorgimento and Antebellum American Identity (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2005);
Daniele Fiorentino, Gli Stati Uniti e il Risorgimento d’Italia, 1848–1901 (Rome: Gangemi, 2013);
and Enzo Tagliacozzo, “Lincoln e il Risorgimento,” in A. Lombardo et al., Italia e Stati Uniti nell’età del Risorgimento e della Guerra Civile (Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1969), 313–335.
See Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955).
See Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969), The Radicalism of the American Revolution (New York: Knopf, 1992), and Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010);
Joyce Appleby, “Republicanism in Old and New Contexts,” William and Mary Quarterly 43 (1986), 23–26;
Lance Banning, “Jeffersonian Ideology Revisited: Liberal and Classical Ideas in the New American Republic,” William and Mary Quarterly 43 (1986), 12–14;
Sean Wilentz, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln (New York: Norton, 2005);
Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970);
and J. David Greenstone, The Lincoln Persuasion: Remaking American Liberalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
David Ericson, The Shaping of American Liberalism: The Debates over Ratification, Nullification, and Slavery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 2.
For an earlier comparison of Lincoln and Cavour, see Glauco Licata, “Il messaggio di Lincoln e la prospettiva dei patrioti italiani,” Il Risorgimento 17 (1965), 73–90.
Interestingly, recent scholarly works by prominent American and Italian historians have argued that Lincoln’s preeminent objective was always the abolition of U.S. slavery and Cavour’s preeminent objective was always Italy’s national unification. See James Oakes, Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (New York: Norton, 2013);
and Roberto Martucci, “Cavour e la ‘scommessa italiana,’” Quaderni Costituzionali 2 (2012), 339–368.
See Brian Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union: Cotton, Federal Politics, and the Global Origins of the Civil War (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009).
See Lucio Villari, Bella e perduta. L’Italia del Risorgimento (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2009).
Important recent works that have stressed Lincoln’s and Cavour’s roles in this sense are Doris Kearns Goodwin, Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006);
and Roberto Martucci, L’invenzione dell’Italia unita, 1855–1864 (Florence: Le Monnier, 1999).
On America’s divisions and sectional conflicts over slavery in the 1850s, see especially William E. Gienapp, “The Crisis of American Democracy: The Political System and the Coming of the Civil War” in Gabor S. Boritt, ed., Why the Civil War Came (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 79–124;
Michael Holt, The Political Crisis of the 1850s (New York: Norton, 1983);
Bruce Levine, Half Slave & Half Free: The Roots of the Civil War (New York: Hill & Wang, 2003);
John Ashworth, Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Early American Republic, 2 Vols. (new York: Cambridge University Press, 1995–2007); and Stampp, The Imperiled Union, 223–231.
See Michael F. Holt, The Rise and Fall of the Whig Party: Jacksonian Politics and the Onset of the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 983–984;
and Robert W. Johansen, Lincoln, the South, and Slavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991).
Peter Parish, The North and the Nation in the Era of the Civil War (New York: Fordham University Press, 2003), 207.
Eric Foner, The Fiery Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (New York: Norton, 2010), 66.
Foner, The Fiery Trial, 72. See also James L. Huston, Calculating the Value of the Union: Slavery, Property Rights, and the Economic Origins of the Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 143–145.
Thus, according to James Oakes, Republicans advanced, effectively, a program of nationalization of freedom, or “freedom national”; see James Oakes, The Scorpion’s Sting: Antislavery and the Coming of the Civil War (New York: Norton, 2014), 28–32.
See Parish, The North and the Nation; Potter, “Civil War”; Richard Carwardine, “Lincoln’s Horizons: The Nationalist as Universalist,” in Richard Carwardine and Jay Sexton, eds., The Global Lincoln (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 28–44; and Dal Lago, American Slavery, Atlantic Slavery, and Beyond, 149–154.
See Don E. Fehrenbacher, The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United States Government Relationship with Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 295–297.
See Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men. See also William Gienapp, The Origins of the Republican Party, 1852–1856 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
See Don E. Fehrenbacher, Prelude to Greatness: Lincoln in the 1850s (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962).
Abraham Lincoln, “Speech on the Kansas-Nebraska Act at Peoria, Illinois,” in Michael P. Johnson, ed., Abraham Lincoln, Slavery and the Civil War: Selected Writings and Speeches (New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s 2001), 49.
On these points, see especially Eugenio Biagini et al., “Interchange: The Global Lincoln,” Journal of American History 96:2 (2009), 462–499.
See David Herbert Donald, Lincoln (New York: Random House, 1995), 162–195;
and Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), vol. 1.
See Fehrenbacher, Slaveholding Republic, 285–288, and Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln and Douglas: The Debates that Defined America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009).
Ericson, Shaping of American Liberalism, 160. See also George Fredrickson, Big Enough to be Inconsistent: Abraham Lincoln Confronts Race and Slavery (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 43–84.
See Massimo Salvadori, “Il liberalismo di Cavour,” in Umberto Levra, ed., Cavour, l’Italia e l’Europa (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011), 71–112.
Carwardine, “Lincoln’s Horizons,” 37–38. See also Brian Schoen, “The Fates of Republics and Empires Hang in the Balance: The United States and Europe during the Civil War Era,” OAH Magazine of History 27:2 (2013), 41–47.
David Potter, The South and the Sectional Conflict (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1968), 294.
On some of these issues, see Richard H. Sewell, Ballots for Freedom: Antislavery Politics in the United States, 1837–1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), 304–310.
Dorothy Ross, “Lincoln and the Ethics of Emancipation: Universalism, Nationalism, Exceptionalism,” Journal of American History 96:2 (2009), 393.
Gary Gallagher, The Union War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 6.
Foner, The Fiery Trial, 100. See also see also Donald, Lincoln, 196–229; and James Oakes, The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics (New York: Knopf, 2008).
See especially Shearer Davis Bowman, At the Precipice: Americans North and South during the Secession Crisis (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 261–288.
Robert J. Cook, “The Shadow of the Past: Collective Memory and the Coming of the American Civil War,” in Robert J. Cook, William L. Barney, and Elizabeth R. Varon, Secession Winter: When the Union Fell Apart (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013), 85.
See also Russell McClintock, Lincoln and the Decision for War: The Northern Response to Secession (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008);
James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 234–276;
and David Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (New York: Harper and Row, 1976), 514–584.
On the parallelisms of the developments in the United States and Italy, see Raimondo Luraghi, Storia della Guerra civile americana (Turin: Einaudi, 1966); Fiorentino, Gli Stati Uniti e il Risorgimento d’Italia; and Tiziano Bonazzi, “Un americanista davanti all’Unità d’Italia, overo l’Atlantico mare nostrum” and Enrico Dal Lago, “La Guerra Civile americana, il Risorgimento italiano e i nazionalismi dell’Ottocento: histoire croisée e histoire comparée,” both in Giornale di Storia Costituzionale 22 (2011), 73–88 and 143–161.
Urbano Rattazzi to Michelangelo Castelli, May 1, 1870 in Denis Mack Smith, ed., The Making of Italy, 1796–1866 (London: Macmillan, 1988), 176.
On the connubio, see also especially Adolfo Omodeo, L’opera politico, del Conte di Cavour (Florence: Le Monnier, 1940), 91–114;
and Adriano Viarengo, Cavour (Rome: Salerno, 2010), 221–235.
See Romano P. Coppini, “Il Piemonte sabaudo e l’unificazione (1849–1861),” in Giovanni Sabbatucci and Vittorio Vidotto, eds., Storia d’Italia, vol. I: Le premesse dell’Unità (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1994), 337–431;
and Narciso Nada, “Il Piemonte sabaudo dal 1814 al 1861,” in Narciso Nada and Paola Notario, Il Piemonte sabaudo dal periodo napoleonico al Risorgimento (Turin: UTET, 1993), 343–441.
See Rosario Romeo, Vita di Cavour (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1985), 359–379.
See especially Giuseppe Galasso, “Il pensiero italiano di Cavour” in Adriano Viarengo, ed., Camillo Benso di Cavour: Autoritratto (Milan: BUR, 2010), i–xxvi.
D’Azeglio’s quote (1867) is in Doyle, Nations Divided, 39. In fact, instead of focusing on the positive features of nation-building as related to progress, Don Doyle’s work stresses the difficulty in conceptualizing nations in countries profoundly divided between a north and a south, as both the United States and Italy were. Similarly, other works—such as, especially, the essays in Enrico Dal Lago and Rick Halpern, eds., The American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno: Essays in Comparative History (New York: Palgrave, 2001)—have looked at the history and construction of the north-south divide in the two countries within the contexts of the respective national histories.
Cavour’s quote, from an 1847 article in Il Risorgimento, is in Maria S. Quine, Italy’s Social Revolution: Charity and Welfare from Liberalism to Fascism (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 18.
On some of these issues, see Alberto M. Banti, Storia della borghesia italiana. L’età liberale (Rome: Donzelli, 1996), 3–22;
and Rosario Romeo, Dal Piemonte sabaudo all’Italia liberale (Turin: Einaudi, 1963).
Raffaele Romanelli, L’Italia liberale, 1861–1900 (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1990), 22. See also Banti, Storia della borghesia italiano, 3–50.
On these points, see Sergio Romano, “Cavour and the Risorgimento,” Journal of Modern History 58 (1986), 669–677;
and Luciano Cafagna, Cavour (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1999), 219–242.
See Franco Della Peruta, I deniocratici e la rivoluzione italiana. Dibattiti ideali e contrasti politici all’indomani del 1848 (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1958);
and R. Ugolini, “La via democratico moderata all’unità. Dal ‘Partito Nazionale Italiano’ alla ‘Società Nazionale Italiana,’” in R. Ugolini et al., Correnti ideali e politiche della sinistra italiana dal 1849 al 1861 (Florence: Leo S. Olshki Editore, 1978), 185–211.
See especially Marta Petrusewicz, Come il Meridiane divenne una questione. Rappresentazioni del Sud prima e dopo il Quarantotto (Soveria Mannelli: Rubettino, 1998).
See Raymond Grew, A Sterner Plan for Italian Unity: The National Society in the Risorgimento (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1963);
and Giorgio Candeloro, Storia dell’Italia moderna, vol. IV: Dalla rivoluzione nazionale all’unità (1849–1860) (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1964), 215–243.
Roberto Romani, “Reluctant Revolutionaries: Moderate Liberalism in the Kingdom of Sardinia, 1849–1859,” Historical Journal 55:1 (2012), 45.
See also Anthony Cardoza, “Cavour and Piedmont,” in John A. Davis, ed., Italy in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 108–131.
See Marco Meriggi, “Liberali/Liberalismo,” in Alberto M. Banti et al., eds., Atlante culturale del Risorgimento. Lessico del linguaggio politico dal Settecento all’Unità (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2011), 101–114.
Lucy Riall, Risorgimento: The History of Italy from Napoleon to Nation State (New York: Palgrave, 2009), 141. See also Grew, A Sterner Plan for Italian Unity, 101–123.
On Cavour and the National Society, see especially Omodeo, L’opera politica del Conte di Cavour, 361–373; and Rosario Romeo, Cavour e il suo tempo, vol. 3: 1854–1861 (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 1969).
Anonymous, “Bismarck and His Work.” Interestingly, in October 1862, Gladstone considered himself “a warm advocate of the new Italian Kingdom, founded on the right of the States to choose the rulers and nationality they prefer”—perhaps the same principle that led him, instead, to be strangely favourable to the Confederacy rather than Lincoln’s Union, going as far as remarking, as if it were an obvious fact, that “Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the South … have made a nation,” by which he meant a legitimate nation; the first Gladstone quote is in Fleche, The Revolution of 1861, 97, while the second Gladstone quote is in Amanda Foreman, A World on Tire: An Tpic History of Two Nations Divided (London: Penguin, 2012), 319.
On Lincoln, Cavour, and Bismarck, see especially Carl Degler, One among Many: The Civil War in Comparative Perspective (Gettysburg, PA: Gettysburg College, 1990).
On the Civil War in an age of nation-building, in both comparative and transnational perspective, particularly with nineteenth-century European nationalism, see especially Fleche, The Revolution of 1861; Bender, A Nation among Nations, 116–182; Ian Tyrrell, Transnational Nation: United States in Global Perspective since 1789 (New York: Palgrave, 2007), 84–93;
Carl Guarneri, America in the World: United States History in Global Context (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2007), 148–165; Dal Lago, American Slavery, Atlantic Slavery, and Beyond, 145–172;
Edward L. Ayers, “The American Civil War, Emancipation, and Reconstruction on the World Stage,” in Gary W Reichard and Ted Dickson, eds., America on the World Stage: A Global Approach to U.S. History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008), 125–137;
Don H. Doyle, “The Global Civil War,” in Aaron Sheehan-Dean, ed., A Companion to the U.S. Civil War (Oxford: Blackwell, 2014), 1103–1120; and Schoen, “The Fate of Republics and Empire,” 41–47.
Allen C. Guelzo, Fateful Lightning: A New History of the Civil War and Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 407.
Nicholas Onuf and Peter Onuf, Nations, Markets, and War: Modern History and the American Civil War (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2006), 2, 3. See also Gallagher, The Union War, 33–74.
Abraham Lincoln, “Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation (1863),” in Rick Halpern and Enrico Dal Lago, eds., Slavery and Emancipation (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), 381.
See also Louis P. Masur, Lincoln’s Hundred Days: The Emancipation Proclamation and the War for the Union (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2012);
Ira Berlin et al., Freedom’s Soldiers: The Black Military Experience in the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998);
and Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), vol. 2.
See especially Ira Berlin et al., Slaves No More: Three Essays on Emancipation and the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 190–196;
Steven Hahn, A Nation under our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 89–102;
and Stephanie McCurry, “War, Gender, and Emancipation in the Civil War South,” and Mchael Vorenberg, “Abraham Lincoln’s ‘Fellow Citizens’: Before and After Emancipation,” both in William A. Blair and Karen Fisher Younger, eds., Lincoln’s Proclamation: Emancipation Reconsidered (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 120–150 and 151–169.
Parish, The North and the Nation, 223–226. See also James Oakes, “Natural Rights, Citizenship Rights, States’ Rights, and Black Rights: Another Look at Lincoln and Race,” in Eric Foner, ed., Our Lincoln: New Perspectives on Lincoln and His World (New York: Vintage, 2008), 109–134; and, on the Thirteenth Amendment, especially Michael Vorenberg, Final Freedom: The Civil War and the Abolition of Slavery, and the Thirteenth Amendment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
Hahn, A Nation under Our Feet, 105. See also Eric Foner, “Lincoln and Colonization” in Foner, ed. Our Lincoln, 135–166; and LaWanda Cox, Lincoln and Black Freedom: A Study in Presidential Leadership (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1981), 112–139.
Mark E. Neely, Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 163.
See also Mark E. Neely, The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
Susan-Mary Grant, “From Union to Nation? The Civil War and the Development of American Nationalism,” in Susan-Mary Grant and Brian Holden Reid, eds., The American Civil War: Explorations and Reconsiderations (NewYork: Pearson Education, 2000), 350.
On the Gettysburg Address, see especially Gallagher, The Union War, 82–87; Carwardine, Lincoln, 247–297; Gary Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words that Remade America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992);
and George P. Fletcher, Our Secret Constitution: How Lincoln Redefined American Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 41–42, particularly in relation to Lincoln, the Gettysburg Address, and national unification. It is worth noting that, recently, Robert Meister has argued that “many of Lincoln’s Old World contemporaries, such as Bismarck and Cavour, had linked national resurgence and victimary identity in order to justify the use of military force to ‘reunify’ the nation,” but Lincoln went further, “by portraying the Union itself as the victim of slavery and the war against secession as its struggle for redemption and rebirth”;
see Robert Meister, After Evil: A Politics of Human Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013), 89.
See Denis Mack Smith, Cavour: A Biography (New York: Knopf, 1985), 149–150;
and Harry Hearder, Cavour (London: Longman, 1994), 136–155.
Camillo Cavour to Massimo D’Azeglio. July 16, 1859, in Carlo Pischedda and Rosanna Roccia, eds., Camilllo Cavour: Epistolario, vol. 16: 1859 (Florence: Leo Olschki, 2000), 1130.
See Derek Beales and Eugenio Biagini, The Risorgimento and the Unification of Italy (London: Longman, 2002), 129–130.
See especially Lucy Riall, “Garibaldi and the South,” in Davis, ed., Italy in the Nineteenth Century, 132–153; Denis Mack Smith, Cavour and Garibaldi: A Study in Political Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954);
and Roberto Balzani, “Cavour e le vie della Guerra,” in Mario Isnenghi and Eva Cecchinato, eds., Fare l’Italia, 1790–1870 (Turin: UTET, 2008), 342–356.
Camillo Cavour to Costantino Nigra, August 29, 1860, in Carlo Pischedda and Rosanna Roccia, eds., Camilllo Cavour: Epistolario, vol. 17: 1860 (Florence: Leo Olschki, 2005), 1799.
See Giorgio Candeloro, Storia dell’Italia moderna, vol. V: La costruzione dello stato unitario (1861–1870) (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1964), 356–389; and Martucci, L’invenzione dell’Italia unita.
See Martucci, L’invenzione dell’Italia unita; Viarengo, Cavour, 443–444; and Alberto M. Banti, Il Risorgimento italiano (Rome-Bari: Laterza, 2004), 115–116.
Cavour’s quote is in Romeo, Vita di Cavour, 500. On these issues, see also Raffaele Romanelli, “Centralismo e autonomie,” in Raffaele Romanelli, ed., Storia dello stato italiano dall’Unità ad oggi (Rome: Donzelli, 1995), 130–133.
On some of these issues, see Doyle, Nations Divided; and Enrico Dal Lago, “States of Rebellion: Civil War, Rural Unrest, and the Agrarian Question in the American South and the Italian Mezzogiorno, 1861–1865,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 47 (2005), 403–432.
On Seward, see Jay Sexton, “William H. Seward in the World,” Journal of the Civil War Era 4 (2014), 398–430; on D’Azeglio,
see Claudio Gigante, “Fatta l’Italia, facciamo gli Italiani. Appunti su una massima da restituire a D’Azeglio,” Incontri. Rivista europea di studi italiani 26 (2011), 5–15.
On some of these issues, see especially, on the American side of the comparison, Hans L. Trefousse, The Radical Republicans: Lincoln’s Vanguard of Racial Justice (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969); Vorenberg, Final Freedom;
and Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolutions (New York: Harper, 1988).
On the Italian side, see especially Clara Lovett, The Democratic Movement in Italy, 1830–1876 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Candeloro, La costruzione dello stato unitario;
and Giuseppe Berti, I Democratici e l’iniziativa meridionale nel Risorgimento (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1962).
See Nicola Miller, “That Great and Gentle Soul: Images of Lincoln in Latin America,” in Carwardine and Sexton, eds., The Global Lincoln, 206–222. See also, on nineteenth-century Argentine politics, Jeremy Adelman, Republic of Capital: Buenos Aires and the Legal Transformation of the Atlantic World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999). On Cavour and nineteenth-century liberalism,
see Gilles Pecout, “Le moment Cavour: Cavour politico nella storiografia,” Ricerche di storia politica 3 (2003), 389–408.
For Peter Kolchin’s scholarship on American and Russian emancipation in comparative perspective, see Kolchin, Sphinx on the American Land, 94–114. On Lincoln and Alexander II, see Marylin Pfeifer Swezey, The Tsar and the President: Alexander II and Abraham Lincoln, Liberator and Emancipator (New York: American Russian Cultural Cooperation Foundation, 2009);
and Michael Knox Beran, Forge of Empires: Three Revolutionary Statesmen and the World they Made (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2007).
On Lincoln and Bismarck and the American Civil War and the wars for German unification in comparative perspective, see especially Degler, One among Many; and Carl Degler, “The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification: The Problem of Comparison,” in Stig Forster and Joerg Nagler, eds., On the Road to Total War: The American Civil War and the German Wars of Unification, 1861–1871 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 53–73.
Curiously, Cavour’s and Bismarck’s leadership and efforts at nation-building have been the object of a recent comparative study; see Gian Enrico Rusconi, Cavour e Bismarck. Due leaders fra liberalismo e cesarismo (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2011).
On some of these issues, see Dal Lago, American Slavery, Atlantic Slavery, and Beyond, 145–172; Onuf and Onuf, Nations, Markets, and War; and the important essays in Timothy Baycroft and Mark Hewitson, eds., What is a Nation? Europe, 1789–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006).
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Dal Lago, E. (2015). Progressive Nationalism, Politics, and National Unifications: Lincoln and Cavour after 1850. In: The Age of Lincoln and Cavour. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137490124_5
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