Abstract
From colonial times through the mid-twentieth century, as Australia and Canada developed their respective economies, political movements, and national personalities, the ruling British Protestant elite assumed key leadership positions in public administration, commerce, and politics. However, the impact on local culture was not identical because the composition of the dominant populations differed. Unlike Canada, the Australian working class was marked by a strong Irish Catholic presence. Hence, their influence grew as Australia’s working class rose to prominence through the establishment of the Australian Labor Party (ALP).
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Notes
See Nelson Wiseman, “The Pattern of Prairie Politics,” Queen’s Quarterly 88, no. 2 (1981): 298–315.
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Adapted from Seymour Martin Lipset and Noah M. Meltz, The Paradox of American Unionism: Why Americans Like Unions More Than Canadians Do But Join Much Less (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2004), 12, see Table 2.2.
Geert Hofstede, Cultures and Organizations: Intercultural Cooperation and its Importance for Survival (London, UK: McGraw-Hill, 1991), 53, see Table 3.1.
Seymour Martin Lipset and Noah M. Meltz, The Paradox of American Unionism: Why Americans Like Unions More Than Canadians Do But Join Much Less (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 2004), 11–13, see Table 2.1.
See Table 1 of Gangaram Singh, “National Culture and Union Density,” The Journal of Industrial Relations 43, no. 3 (2001): 334.
J.W. Shaw asserts that a large portion of the decline can be explained by the reduction in compulsory unionism (“closed shops”) that has occurred throughout the economy. Shaw cites the work of David Peetz estimating that the rate of union membership among employees not working in compulsorily unionized jobs has remained steady between 23 percent and 26 percent over the same period that overall membership rates have appeared to decline. Quoted in J.W. Shaw, “In Defence of the Collective: New South Wales Industrial Relations in the 21st Century,” Journal of Industrial Relations 39, no. 3 (1997): 390.
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According to Gérard Dion, “The original formula was based on the assumption that the union is essential for all workers and must be responsible for them.” In provinces where the Rand Formula has legal force, an employer deducts from salary an amount from employers, whether or not union members, and sends these amounts to the governing union. In provinces where it does not apply, the automatic payment of union dues can become part of the collective bargaining agreement between employers and the trade unions if both parties agree. As part of collective agreements, this kind of modified Rand Formula has spread throughout Canada. Gérard Dion, “Rand Formula,” in The Canadian Encyclopedia: Year 2000 Edition, ed. James H. Marsh (Toronto, ON: McClelland & Stewart, 1999), 1, 974.
Lynn McDonald, The Party That Changed Canada: The New Democratic Party, Then and Now (Toronto, ON: Macmillan, 1987), 131.
The CCL, from an initial membership of about 77,000, expanded to 360,000 workers by 1956 when it joined with the TLC of Canada to form the CLC. See Irving Abella, “Canadian Congress of Labour,” in The Canadian Encyclopedia: Year 2000 Edition, ed. James H. Marsh (Toronto, ON: McClelland & Stewart, 1999), 369. See also Horowitz, Canadian Labour in Politics, 70–71.
Matthew Shaw, Great Scots!: How the Scots Created Canada (Winnipeg, MB: Heartland Associates, 2003), 95–96.
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John Rickard, H.B. Higgins: The Rebel as Judge (Sydney, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 1984), 173, quoted in Beilharz, “The Labourist Tradition and the Reforming Imagination,” 139.
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Ian McAllister, Political Behaviour: Citizens, Parties and Elites in Australia (Melbourne, VIC: Longman Cheshire, 1992,” 24–25.
Jeremy Bentham, Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (New York, NY: Hafner, 1948), 70.
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Marjie Bloy, “Chartism: An Introduction,” The Victorian Web, http://www.victorianweb.org/history/chartism.html (accessed November 15, 2005).
J.T. Lang, The Turbulent Years (Sydney, NSW: Alpha Books, 1970), 11.
McAllister, Political Behaviour, 24–25. First advocated by Deakin at the turn of the twentieth century, compulsory voting was voluntary during the first nine federal elections. In 1915, under Digby Denham’s Liberal Government, Queensland was the first place in the British Empire to introduce compulsory voting. Implemented as a means of leveling the playing field, Denham believed that ALP shop stewards were more effective in getting people to vote. Despite the new measure, Denham lost the 1915 election. Compulsory voting was introduced to Victoria in 1926, NSW and Tasmania in 1928, Western Australia in 1936, South Australia in 1942, and federally in 1924. By 2006, there were 32 countries with compulsory voting, of which 19 nations, including Australia, Belgium, Greece, and Turkey, employ a system of enforcement. The remaining 13, including Italy and the Netherlands, do not enforce the practice. Tim Evans, Compulsory Voting in Australia (Australian Electoral Commission, 2006), http://www.aec.gov.au/pdf/voting/compulsory_voting.pdf (accessed January 30, 2007), 5–7.
John Niland, Collective Bargaining and Compulsory Arbitration in Australia (Kensington, NSW: University of New South Wales Press, 1978), 19–20.
In Australia, “above award bargaining” refers to further bargaining that occurs following an agreement. Since wage rates and work rules stipulated in Australian awards represent minimum terms and conditions, the Australian system allows the parties who are bound by such awards the freedom to bargain for wage rates and work rules above these rates. Ronald Clive McCallum, “Deregulating Australian Labour Relations: Collective Bargaining Reforms within Australia’s System of Compulsory Conciliation and Arbitration,” Queen’s Papers in Industrial Relations (Kingston, ON: Queen’s University IR Centre, 1990), 2.
Stephen J. Deery and David H. Plowman, Australian Industrial Relations, 3rd ed. (Sydney, NSW: McGraw-Hill, 1991), 274.
J.E. Isaac, “Equity and Wage Discrimination,” paper presented to 51st ANZAAS Congress, May 12, 1981, 11. Quoted in Deery and Plowman, Australian Industrial Relations, 274.
Bryan Palmer, “Labour Protest and Organization in Nineteenth Century Canada, 1820–1890,” Labour/Le Travail 20 (Fall 1987): 62–65.
Franca Iacovetta, Michael Quinlan, and Ian Radforth, “Immigration and Labour: Australia and Canada Compared,” Labour/Le Travail 38 (Spring 1995): 92–93.
Michael Quinlan and Margaret Gardner, “Strikes, Worker Protest, and Union Growth in Canada and Australia, 1815–1900: A Comparative Analysis,” Labour/Le Travail 36 (Fall 1995): 179.
Alan Atkinson, “Four Patterns of Convict Protest,” Labour History 37 (November 1979): 28–51. Quoted in Quinlan and Gardner, “Strikes, Worker Protest, and Union Growth,” 179.
Clifford B. Donn, “How Much Do Strikes Cost?” The Australian (Sydney), January 18, 1977, cited in Niland, Collective Bargaining and Compulsory Arbitration in Australia, 42.
The Canadian provinces of Alberta, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, Ontario, and Prince Edward Island, all forbid public sector strikes. J. Sack and T. Lee, “The Role of the State in Canadian Labour Relations,” Relations Industrielles 44 (1989): 195, 201–2.
Cited in Ronald Clive McCallum, “Deregulating Australian Labour Relations: Collective Bargaining Reforms Within Australia’s System of Compulsory Conciliation and Arbitration,” Queen’s Papers in Industrial Relations (December 1990): 2, fn 5.
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Wolak, A.J. (2015). Labor Power. In: The Development of Managerial Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137475633_7
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