Abstract
On 26 November 1969 Satō returned to Tokyo following a meeting with American President Richard M. Nixon in Washington. In an emotional and heartfelt address to the nation, he announced that he had reached agreement on his long-cherished goal of securing the return of Okinawa to Japan. He also declared that nuclear weapons would be removed prior to reversion and that US military bases there would operate under the same restrictions as those in the rest of Japan.1 It was Satō’s greatest achievement; however, it was marred by Nixon’s linkage of the Okinawa agreement with a backroom deal on reducing the volume of Japanese textile imports into the United States and on the reintroduction of nuclear weapons should an emergency require it. Despite Satō’s achievement, historians, loath to give him the credit he deserves, have focused on the shortcoming of the deal. Michael Schaller and Walter LaFeber, for example, fail to give adequate praise to Satō but are on firmer ground when they condemn Nixon for his woefully misjudged attempt to link agreement on Okinawa with a deal on textile imports.2 John Welfield gives credit to the Satō administration for securing the return of Okinawa without incurring any new overseas defence obligations but argues that had the Japanese negotiated more firmly and been prepared to wait two years longer, they could have received more favourable terms, particularly with regard to the nuclear question.3
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Notes
Walter LaFeber, The Clash: A History of U.S.-Japan Relations (New York: Norton, 1997), 348–351; Michael Schaller, Altered States: The United States and Japan since the Occupation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 213–220.
John Welfield, An Empire in Eclipse — Japan in the Postwar American Alliance System: A Study in the Interaction of Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy (London: Athlone Press, 1988), 250–251.
Nicholas E. Sarantakes, Keystone: The American Occupation of Okinawa and U.S.-Japanese Relations (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2000).
Christopher Aldous, ‘Achieving Reversion: Protest and Authority in Okinawa, 1952–70.’ Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 2 (2003): 485–508.
Komine Yukinori, ‘Okinawa Confidential, 1969: Exploring the Linkage between the Nuclear Issue and the Base Issue,’ Diplomatic History 37, no. 4 (2013): 807–840.
Masakatsu Ōta, Meiyaku No Yami: ‘Kaku No Kasa’ to Nichibei Dōmei [Dark Side of the Alliance: The ‘Nuclear Umbrella’ and the U.S.-Japanese Alliance] (Tokyo: Nihon Hyōronsha, 2004).
Notably, Kurosaki Akira, Kakuheiki to Nichibeikankei, and Ayako Kusunoki, ‘The Sato Cabinet and the Making of Japan’s Non-nuclear Policy,’ Journal of American-East Asian Relations 15 (2008): 25–50.
See, e.g., Nixon’s article in the Journal Foreign Affairs prior to his assuming the presidency, Richard M. Nixon, ‘Asia after Viet Nam,’ Foreign Affairs 46, no. 1 (1967). See also his speech at the UN General Assembly, Richard M. Nixon, ‘Address before the Twenty-Fourth Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations,’ 18 Sep. 1969, in John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters (eds), The American Presidency Project, accessed 26 July 2011, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=2236&st=&st1=#ixzz1TCuJdxSJ; see also Fredrik Logevall and Andrew Preston, eds, Nixon in the World: American Foreign Relations, 1969–1977 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).
U. Alexis Johnson, The Right Hand of Power (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1984), 513–517.
William Safire, Before the Fall: An inside View of the Pre-Watergate White House (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1975), 170.
Henry Kissinger, White House Years (Boston: Little, Brown, 1979), 324; Schaller, Altered States, 211–212.
Seisaku Kenkyū Daigakuin Daigaku C.O.E Ōraru Seisaku Kenkyū Purojekkto, Ōkawara Yoshio Oral History (Tokyo: 2005), 154–158.
Armin Meyer, Assignment: Tokyo: An Ambassador’s Journal (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1974), 9.
Armin Meyer, Quiet Diplomacy: From Cairo to Tokyo in the Twilight of Imperialism (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse Inc., 2003), 160–161.
Armin Meyer, Quiet Diplomacy: From Cairo to Tokyo in the Twilight of Imperialism (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003), 176; see also Richard A. Ericson Jr., Oral History Interview, Foreign Affairs Oral History Collection for Diplomatic Studies and Training, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mfdip.2004eri02, 10 Aug. 2011.
Seymour M. Hersh, The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House (New York: Summit Books, 1983), 84.
Osborn to Secretary of State, ‘Aichi Visit: Japanese Negotiating Position,’ 30 May 1969, in National Security Archive (ed.), Japan and the United States: Diplomatic, Security and Economic Relations, 1960–1976 (Washington, DC: 2000; henceforth NSA, Japan and the United States), doc. no. 1077.
Robert S. Norris, William M. Arkin and William Burr, ‘Where They Were,’ Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 55, no. 6 (1999).
Takashi Oka, ‘U.S. Officers Cling to Okinawa Bases: Fear Japan Will Limit Their Use after Reversion,’ New York Times, 7 Apr. 1969.
Shimoda Takesō, Sengo Nihon Gaikō No Shōgen: Nihon Wa Koushite Saiseishita [Testimony of Japan’s Postwar Diplomacy: Japan’s Rebirth] (Tokyo: Gyōsei Mondai Kenkyūjo, 1984), 175–177.
Entry of 6 Jan. 1969, Satō Eisaku, Satō Eisaku Nikki [Diary of Satō Eisaku], ed. Itō Takeshi, 6 vols., vol. 3 (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1998), 376. Kusuda Minoru expressed similar sentiments welcoming Johnson’s appointment; see entry for 13 Jan. 1969, Kusuda Minoru, Kusuda Minoru Nikki: Satō Eisaku Sōri Shuseki Hishokan No 2000 Nichi [Diary of Kusuda Minoru: 2000 Days as Prime Minister Satō Eisaku’s Private Secretary], ed. Makoto Iokibe and Wada Jun (Tokyo: 2001), 297.
For more on Satō’s idiosyncrasies, see the account by his wife, no doubt the best-placed observer; Satō Hiroko, Satō Hiroko: Saishō Fujin Hiroku [Satō Hiroko: Confidences of a Prime Minister’s Wife] (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1974), 125–126, quoted in Wakaizumi and Swenson-Wright, Best Course Available, 342–343.
Fumihiko Tōgō, Nichibei Gaikō Sanjū Nen: Anpo, Okinawa to sono go [Thirty Years of Japanese-U.S. Diplomacy: Security Treaty, Okinawa and the Aftermath] (Tokyo; Chūō Kōronsha, 1982), 172.
Kusuda Minoru, Shuseki Hishokan: Satō Sori Tono 10 Nen [Prime Minister’s Private Secretary: 10 Years with Prime Minister Satō] (Tokyo: Bungei Shunjū, 1975), 179–180.
Takashi Oka, ‘Japanese Leader Who Backed Nuclear Weapons on Okinawa Eases Stand,’ New York Times, 27 Mar. 1969; Asahi Shinbun, 1 Apr. 1969.
Henry Kelly, ‘U.S. Pays Homage to Eisenhower: 75 Nations Represented,’ Irish Times, 1 Apr. 1969.
Everett Dirksen, ‘A Senator’s Notebook: ‘Reversion’ for Okinawa?,’ Washington Daily News, 29 Aug. 1969.
A notable exception being Seung-young Kim, ‘Japanese Diplomacy towards Korea in Multipolarity: History and Trend,’ Cambridge Review of International Affairs 20, no. 1 (2007): 159–178.
Bernd Schaefer, ‘North Korean “Adventurism” and China’s Long Shadow, 1966–1972,’ Cold War International History Project, Working Paper Series 44 (Oct. 2004), http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/Working_Paper_442. pdf, 5 July 2011.
Takashi Oka, ‘U.S. Officers Cling to Okinawa Bases: Fear Japan Will Limit Their Use after Reversion,’ New York Times, 7 April 1969.
Entry of 3 June 1969, H. R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House (New York: G.P. Putnam’s, 1994), 62.
Richard M. Nixon, R.N.: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York: Warner Books, 1978), 389.
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© 2015 Fintan Hoey
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Hoey, F. (2015). The Reversion of Okinawa, 1969, Part 1. In: Satō, America and the Cold War. Security, Conflict and Cooperation in the Contemporary World. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137457639_4
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