Abstract
The Russian Federation is the largest state in Europe, indeed anywhere. Ukraine is the second largest. The other Slavic republic that became independent in 1991, Belarus, is also entirely European in its geographical location. And yet all three have often interpreted their ‘Europeanness’ in ways that have been different from interpretations elsewhere on the continent. In particular, the ‘Europes’ they have sought to confront, cooperate with or even join have often been different from the ‘Europe’ of the European Union and its full-time officials in Brussels. In the chapters that follow we will seek to identify these various perspectives by investigating Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian identities and the ways in which they shaped their countries’ perceptions of ‘Europe’ in the post-Soviet period and underpinned their respective foreign policies. An understanding of these factors is fundamental in its turn if we are to explain the apparent stalemate that has developed in state-to-state relations, and perhaps help to overcome it. We start with an examination of the highly contested notion of ‘Europe’ in the post-Soviet context, and then move on to consider the various ways in which it has engaged policymakers as well as the wider society over long periods of time. The last part of the chapter presents our conceptual framework, explains our methodological choices, and sets out the structure of the book as a whole.
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Notes
Mark Bassin, ‘Russia between Europe and Asia: The ideological construction of geographical space’, Slavic Review, vol. 50, no. 1 (Spring 1991), pp. 1–17, at pp. 6–7.
Alexander von Humboldt, Cosmos: A Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe, trans. E. C. Otté, vol. 2 (New York: Harper, 1850), p. 118.
For a review, see Armagan Emre Çakir, ed., Fifty Years of EU-Turkey Relations (London and New York: Routledge, 2011).
Yu. K. Efremov, ‘Obsuzhdenie voprosa o granitse Evropy i Azii v Moskovskom filiale Geograficheskogo obshchestva SSSR’, Izvestiya Akademii Nauk SSSR: seriya geograficheskaya, no. 4 (1958), pp. 144–146, at pp. 144, 146.
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The Great Soviet Atlas put the entire Caucasus inside ‘Europe’, as far as the Turkish border with the USSR (Efremov, ‘Obsuzhdenie’, p. 145); so did the Great Soviet Encyclopedia that appeared in the early 1950s (Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 2nd edn, vol. 15 (Moscow: Bol’shaya sovetskaya entsiklopediya, 1952), p. 382). At least four distinct Caucasian boundaries are identified in E. M. Murzaev, ‘Gde zhe provodit’ geograficheskuyu granitsu Evropy i Azii?’, Izvestiya Akademii nauk SSSR. Seriya geograficheskaya, no. 4 (July–August 1963), pp. 111–119, at p. 111.
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Richard J. Evans, ‘What is European history? Reflections of a cosmopolitan islander’, European History Quarterly, vol. 40, no. 4 (October 2010), pp. 593–605, at p. 594.
Denys Hay, Europe: The Emergence of an Idea, rev. edn (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968), p. vi.
Hugh Seton-Watson, ‘What is Europe, Where is Europe? From mystique to politique’, Encounter, vol. 65, no. 2 (July–August 1985), pp. 9–17, at p. 16. The ‘Muslim strand’ is given close attention in
Jack Goody, Islam in Europe (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
Christoph Pan and Beate Sibylle Pfeil, comps., National Minorities in Europe: Handbook (Vienna: Braumuller, 2003), pp. 12, 14–16.
Calculated from David Crystal, ed., The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language, 3rd edn (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 469, 479, 481.
Ute Frevert, ‘Europeanizing German history’, GHI Bulletin, no. 36 (Spring 2005), pp. 9–24, at p. 11.
Klaus Eder, ‘Europe as a narrative network: Taking the social embeddedness of identity constructions seriously’, in Sonia Lucarelli, Furio Cerutti and Vivien Schmidt, eds, Debating Political Identity and Legitimacy in the European Union (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), pp. 38–54.
On these wider issues, see Christos Kassimeris, Football Comes Home: Symbolic Identities in European Football (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2010). The USSR became a member of UEFA (the Union of European Football Associations) in 1954, on its foundation.
As the Commission President, José Manuel Barroso, told journalists before the 2009 G20 summit, ‘Europe must speak with one voice in London’ (‘EU chief says Europe will speak with one voice at G20’, Reuters, 16 March 2009, at http://in.reuters.com/article/2009/03/16/financial-britain-idINLG42435720090316, last accessed 5 July 2012). Soviet foreign minister Anatolii Gromyko had asked the West German diplomat Egon Bahr as early as 1970 when the European Community (as it then was) would ‘speak with a single voice’. ‘Ask again in twenty years’, responded Bahr, only to be described as a ‘defeatist’ when he related the exchange to the German Chancellor, Willy Brandt (O. F. Potemkina, N. Yu. Kaveshnikov and N. B. Kondrat’eva, eds, Evropeiskii Soyuz v XXI veke: vremya ispytanii (Moscow: Ves’ mir, 2012), p. 550).
See Gerard Delanty, Inventing Europe: Idea, Identity, Reality (Houndmills: Macmillan and New York: St Martin’s, 1995), and also
Furio Cerutti and Sonia Lucarelli, eds, The Search for European Identity: Values, Policies and Legitimacy of the European Union (London: Routledge, 2008) and
Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, eds, European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
Ulrich Sedelmeier, ‘Enlargement’, in Helen Wallace, Mark A. Pollack and Alasdair R. Young, eds, Policy-Making in the European Union, 6th edn (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 401–429, at p. 405 (the EU’s response to a letter from King Hassan welcomed the Moroccan monarch’s wish for a ‘closer rapprochement’ and looked forward to a ‘reinforced and more extended cooperation’ but did not in fact directly refer to the issue of membership, nor identify geography as a relevant consideration: Uffe Ellemann-Jensen to Hassan II of Morocco, Copenhagen, 1 October 1987, EU archives, Brussels).
Ian Barnes and Pamela Barnes, ‘Enlargement’, in Michelle Cini and Nieves Pérez-Solórzano Borragán, eds, European Union Politics, 3rd edn (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 418–435, at p. 424.
M. S. Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, 7 vols (Moscow: Politizdat, 1987–1990), vol. 2, p. 114. There was another early reference in Gorbachev’s election address of 20 February 1985 (ibid., p. 126).
Leonid I. Brezhnev, Leninskim kursom, vol. 9, 2nd edn (Moscow: Politizdat, 1983), p. 304.
M. S. Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, 2 vols (Moscow: Novosti, 1995), vol. 2, p. 72. It was during this official visit, Gorbachev wrote later, that the formulation ‘Europe — our common home’ had ‘first appeared’ (
M. S. Gorbachev, Naedine s soboi (Moscow: Grin Strit, 2012), p. 458).
Gorbachev, Izbrannye rechi i stat’i, vol. 2, pp. 441–442; also in Gorbachev, Zhizn’ i reformy, vol. 2, p. 71. Speaking rather later to the French Senate, a deputy foreign minister explained that the ‘common home’ could have ‘different interiors, reflecting the political pluralism of its inhabitants’, but it assumed a set of ‘common human values’, and it should provide a ‘firmly-based structure of security not only against war, but against other threats to the existence of European civilisation’ (‘Vystuplenie zamestitelya ministra inostrannykh del SSSR V. F. Petrovskogo v Senate Frantsii 28 noyabrya’, Vestnik Ministerstva inostrannykh del SSSR (December 1989), pp. 70–73, at p. 71). The idea of Europe as a ‘common home’ appears to have still earlier origins in the programmatic documents of the French Communist Party: see David S. Bell and Byron Criddle, The French Communist Party in the Fifth Republic (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), p. 50.
Boris El’tsin, Prezidentskii marafon: razmyshleniya, vospominaniya, vpechatleniya (Moscow: AST, 2000), p. 128.
V. V. Putin, Izbrannye rechi i vystupleniya (Moscow: Knizhnyi mir, 2008), pp. 177–178.
Vladimir Putin, ‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, Moskovskie novosti (27 February 2012), pp. 1, 4–6, at p. 5.
‘Novyi integratsionnyi proekt dlya Evrazii: budushchee, kotoroe rozhdaetsya segod-nya’, Izvestiya, 4 October 2011, pp. 1, 5, at p. 5. Russian commentators had originally defined ‘Greater Europe’ as extending, as it had for Charles de Gaulle, ‘from the Atlantic to the Urals’ (Yu. P. Davydov, ‘Voidet Rossiya v “Bol’shuyu Evropu”?’, Kentavr, no. 4 (1994), pp. 21–37, at p. 31); it came more often to be presented (in Putin’s words) as a ‘single economic and human space’ that extended ‘from the Atlantic to the Pacific’ and which could otherwise be called a ‘Union of Europe’ (‘Rossiya i menyayushchiisya mir’, p. 5). His successor, Dmitri Medvedev, spoke more generally of a ‘Euroatlantic space from Vancouver to Vladivostok’ (‘Dmitrii Medvedev — v vystuplenii v Berline: “Teper” rech’ dolzhna idti o edinstve prostranstva ot Vankuvera do Vladivostoka’, Izvestiya, 6 June 2008, p. 2); a few even suggested that the United States could be seen as a part of ‘Greater Europe’ on the basis of its common Christian civilisation (
S. V. Kortunov, Sovremennaya vneshnyaya politika Rossii: strategiya izbiratel’noi vovlechennosti (Moscow: Izdatel’skii dom Gosudarstvennogo universiteta — Vysshei shkoly ekonomiki, 2009), p. 195).
Yuri Solozobov, ‘“Bol’shaya Evropa” protiv “Bol’shoi Rossii”’, Zavtra, 22 July 2005, p. 4 (the article drew on the views of representatives of the Russian energy ministry and of Institute of Modernisation director Mikhail Delyagin as well as those of the Institute of National Strategy).
Evgenii Verlin and Vladislav Inozemtsev, ‘Rossiya — Kitai: vremya korrektirovat’ kurs’, Svobodnaya mysl’, no. 8 (2010), pp. 44–58, at p. 58.
Paul Robert Magocsi, A History of Ukraine: The Land and its Peoples, 2nd revised and expanded edn (Toronto and London: University of Toronto Press, 2010), p. 13.
Nicky Gardner, ‘Defining Europe’s centre’, Hidden Europe, no. 5 (November 2005), pp. 20–21, at p. 21.
Viktar Korbut, ‘Yak praistsi u tsentra Evropy?’, Belarus’, no. 5 (2009), pp. 40–41, at p. 41 (the precise location was on Karl Marx Prospekt).
David Herman, ‘Cultural consumption’, Prospect (February 2007), pp. 66–67, at p. 67.
Marc Raeff, ‘The Enlightenment in Russian thought and Russian thought in the Enlightenment’, in John G. Garrard, ed., The Eighteenth Century in Russia (Oxford: Clarendon, 1973), p. 31.
Barry K. Goodwin and Thomas J. Grennes, ‘Tsarist Russia and the world wheat market’, Explorations in Economic History, vol. 35, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 405–430, at p. 406.
Such as Victor Sergeyev and Nikolai Biryukov, Russia’s Road to Democracy: Parliament, Communism and Traditional Culture (Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1993).
Nicolas Berdyaev, The Origin of Russian Communism, trans. R. M. French (London: Bles, 1937; this was in fact its first publication), p. 134.
Maksim Kozlov, ‘Chem olichayutsya pravoslavnye ot zapadnykh khristian?’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 22 (2 June 2010), p. 9.
See for instance Irina Papkova, The Orthodox Church and Russian Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), and
Katja Richters, The Post-Soviet Russian Orthodox Church: Politics, Culture and Greater Russia (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2012).
Ol’ga Malinova, Rossiya i ‘Zapad’ v XX veke. Transformatsiya diskursa o kollektivnoi identichnosti (Moscow: Rosspen, 2009), pp. 5–6.
William Zimmerman, ‘Slavophiles and Westernizers redux: Contemporary Russian elite perspectives’, Post-Soviet Affairs, vol. 21, no. 3 (July–September 2005), pp. 183–209, at p. 184.
P. Ya. Chaadaev, Sochineniya i pis’ma P. Ya. Chaadaeva, vol. 1, ed. M. Gershenzon (Moscow: Mamontov, 1913), pp. 82, 84, 80.
James M. Edie, James P. Scanlan and Mary Barbara Zeldin, eds, Russian Philosophy, 3 vols (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1965), vol. 1, pp. 101–102.
Andrzej Walicki, The Slavophile Controversy, transx. Hilda Andrews-Rusiecka (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 102.
Marquis de Custine, La Russie en 1839, 4 vols (Paris: Librairie d’Amyot, 1843), vol. 4, p. 486.
A. I. Gertsen, Byloe i dumy (Moscow: Ogiz, 1946), p. 287.
Andrzej Walicki, A History of Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to Marxism, trans. Hilda Andrews-Rusiecka (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979 and Oxford: Clarendon, 1980), p. 91.
Samuel P. Huntington, ‘The clash of civilizations?’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 72, no. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 22–49, at p. 22.
Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), pp. 70, 71.
O. E. Kaz’mina, ‘Pravoslavie’, in V. A. Tishkov, ed., Narody i religii mira. Entsiklopediya (Moscow: Bol’shaya rossiiskaya entsiklopediya, 2000), pp. 794–803, at p. 801 (in 1996 there were an estimated 182 million Orthodox worldwide of whom 70–80 million lived in Russia, 30 million in Ukraine and 5 million in Belarus).
Aleksandr Aref’ev, ‘Yazyk bez gostei’, Argumenty i fakty, no. 16 (2007), p. 10.
Grigory Ioffe, Understanding Belarus and How Western Foreign Policy Misses the Mark (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008), p. 68.
Grigory Ioffe, Global Studies: Russia and the near Abroad, 12th edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2011), p. 115; see also
Nelly Bekus, Struggle over Identity: The Official and Alternative ‘Belarusianness’ (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2010).
Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 4th edn (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), p. 487.
Paul D’Anieri, Understanding Ukrainian Politics (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 2007), p. 106.
Emanuel Adler, ‘Constructivism in international relations: Sources, contributions, and debates’, in Walter Carlsnaes, Thomas Risse and Beth A. Simmons, eds, Handbook of International Relations, 2nd edn (London: Sage, 2013), pp. 112–144, at p. 113.
Alexander Wendt, ‘Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics’, International Organization, vol. 46, no. 2 (Spring 1992), pp. 391–425, at p. 397.
See, for example, Lene Hansen, Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War (London and New York: Routledge, 2006);
Iver B. Neumann, Uses of the Other: ‘The East’ in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999);
Maja Zehfuss, ‘Constructivism and identity: A dangerous liaison’, European Journal of International Relations, vol. 7, no. 3 (2001), pp. 315–348;
E. Ringmar, ‘Alexander Wendt: A Social Scientist Struggling with History’, in Iver B. Neumann and Ole Wæver, eds, The Future of International Relations: Masters in the Making? (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 269–289.
David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992).
Alexander Wendt, ‘Collective Identity Formation and the International State’, American Political Science Review, vol. 88, no. 2 (June 1994), pp. 384–396, at p. 386.
Ted Hopf, Reconstructing the Cold War (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 7.
Stephen Shulman, ‘National identity and public support for political and economic reform in Ukraine’, Slavic Review, vol. 64, no. 1 (Spring 2005), pp. 59–87, at p. 68.
Lene Hansen and Ole Wæver, eds, European Integration and National Identity: The Challenge of the Nordic States (London and New York: Routledge, 2002).
Stephen Shulman, ‘National integration and foreign policy in multiethnic states’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 4, no. 4 (Winter 1998), pp. 110–132, at p. 110.
See, for example, Iver B. Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe: A Study in Identity in International Relations (London and New York: Routledge, 1996);
Andrei P. Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy: Change and Continuity in National Identity, 2nd edn (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010), p. 17.
See, for instance, on Ukraine — Charles F. Furtado, Jr., ‘Nationalism and Foreign Policy in Ukraine’, Political Science Quarterly, vol. 109, no. 1 (Spring 1994), pp. 81–104;
Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: State and Nation Building (London: Routledge, 2002);
Andrew Wilson, Ukrainian Nationalism in the 1990s; A Minority Faith (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997);
Tatiana Zhurzhenko, Borderlands into Bordered Lands: Geopolitics of Identity in Post-Soviet Ukraine (Stuttgart: Ibidem-verlag, 2010); on Belarus — Bekus, Struggle over Identity and Ioffe, Understanding Belarus; on
Russia — P. Casula and J. Perovic, eds, Identities and Politics during the Putin Presidency: The Foundations of Russia’s Presidency (Stuttgart: Ibidem-verlag, 2009); Edith
W. Clowes, Russia on the Edge: Imagined Geographies and Post-Soviet Identity (Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2011);
Serguei Oushakine, The Patriotism of Despair: Nation, War, and Loss in Russia (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); across the region –
Serhiy Bilenky, Romantic Nationalism in Eastern Europe: Russian, Polish and Ukrainian Political Imaginations (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012);
Serhii Plokhy, The Origins of the Slavic Nations: Premodern Identities in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006);
Serhii Plokhy, Ukraine and Russia: Representations of the Past (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008);
Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998);
Barbara Skinner, The Western Front of the Eastern Church: Uniate and Orthodox Conflict in Eighteenth-Century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009);
Timothy Snyder, The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003).
For Ukraine, see, for instance, Stephen Shulman, ‘National integration and foreign policy in multiethnic states’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, vol. 4, no. 4 (Winter 1998), pp. 110–132;
V. Chudowsky and T. Kuzio, ‘Does public opinion matter in Ukraine? The case of foreign policy’, Communist and Post-communist Studies, vol. 36, no. 3 (September 2003), pp. 273–290;
Neil Munro, ‘Which way does Ukraine face? Popular orientations toward Russia and Western Europe’, Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 54, no. 6 (November—December 2007), pp. 43–58;
N. Mychajlyszyn, ‘From Soviet Ukraine to the Orange revolution: European security relations and the Ukrainian identity’, in O. Schmidtke and S. Yekelchyk, eds, Europe’s Last Frontier? Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine between Russia and the European Union (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 31–53; and in Ukraine itself see, for instance,
A. Malyuk, ‘Stavlennya naselennya Ukraini do al’ternativnikh variantiv geopolitichnogo viboru’, in V. Vorona and M. Shulga, eds, Ukrains’ke Syspil’stvo 1992–2008. Sotsiologichny Monitoring (Kyiv: Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2008), pp. 404–416;
Stephen White, Ian McAllister, Margot Light and John Löwenhardt, ‘A European or a Slavic choice? Foreign policy and public attitudes in post-Soviet Europe’, Europe–Asia Studies, vol. 54, no. 2 (March 2002), pp. 181–202;
Stephen White, Julia Korosteleva and Ian McAllister, ‘A wider Europe? The view from Russia, Belarus and Ukraine’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 46, no. 2 (March 2008), pp. 219–241;
Stephen White, Ian McAllister and Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Belarus, Ukraine and Russia: East or West?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, vol. 12, no. 3 (August 2010), pp. 344–367.
See, for example, Valentina Feklyunina, ‘Russia’s foreign policy towards Poland: Seeking reconciliation? A social constructivist analysis’, International Politics, vol. 49, no. 4 (July 2012), pp. 434–448;
Vyacheslav Morozov, Rossiya i drugie (Moscow, Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2009); Neumann, Russia and the Idea of Europe; Tsygankov, Russia’s Foreign Policy.
Taras Kuzio, ‘Slavophiles versus Westernisers: Foreign policy orientations in Ukraine’, in Kurt R. Spillmann, Andreas Wenger and Derek Muller, eds, Between Russia and Europe. Foreign and Security Policy of Independent Ukraine (Bern: Peter Lang, 1999), pp. 53–74; Shulman, ‘National identity and public support’, p. 60.
Roy Allison, Margot Light and Stephen White, Putin’s Russia and the Enlarged Europe (Oxford and Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006).
Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
Jeffrey T. Checkel and Peter J. Katzenstein, ‘The politicization of European identities’, in Checkel and Katzenstein, eds., European Identity (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 1–25, at p. 3.
By investigating competing views about the EU held by Russian elites, we seek in this respect to make a significant contribution to the rapidly developing literature on external perceptions of the EU across the world. See, for example, Sonia Lucarelli and Lorenzo Fioramonti, eds, External Perceptions of the European Union as a Global Actor (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2010). For Russian views of the EU, see Mara Morini, Roberto Peruzzi and Arlo Poletti, ‘Eastern giants: The EU in the Eyes of Russia and China’, in Lucarelli and Fioramonti, eds, External Perceptions of the European Union as a Global Actor, pp. 32–51.
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White, S., Feklyunina, V. (2014). Other ‘Europes’. In: Identities and Foreign Policies in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137453112_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137453112_1
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