Abstract
Having offered some preliminary suggestions as to the potential usefulness of performancescape, I must now confront its interpretive limitations, which become apparent when the term is applied to plays as they were printed in the early modern period. Given that performancescape is meant to help triangulate the dynamic relationship between editors, printed texts, and readers, early modern methods of textual production, printing practices, and modes of reception introduce a number of complicating factors that restrict the term’s scope and limit its utility. Editing—as we think of the task today—can only be applied anachronistically to the early modern publishing trade; this is not to say that texts printed during this time went unmediated, only that the types of mediation that took place were not discrete activities systematically aimed at emendation, organization, or elucidation. That mediation took place is undeniable; indeed, the understanding that mediation always takes place—that all texts are mediated texts, or as Alan Farmer writes, “those who participate in the production and transmission of a text inevitably affect its final form” (164)—is beyond dispute. In the case of drama, the forces brought to bear on the transformation of written manuscripts into printed books are well documented. Scribal and compositor studies initiated by the New Bibliographers have demonstrated the ways in which a range of individuals could modify— perhaps emend, perhaps corrupt—texts in various ways, though it is only in rare instances that these modifications can be considered to have been executed with the same rigor or motivated by the same concerns that we now associate with editorial activity.1
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Notes
See Julie Stone Peters, Theatre of the Book, 1480–1880 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000);
Zachary Lesser, Renaissance Drama and the Politics of Publication (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004);
Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2005);
Douglas Brooks, From Playhouse to Printing House (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000);
Evelyn B. Tribble, Margins and Marginality (Charlottesville and London: UP of Virginia, 1993);
William W. E. Slights, Managing Readers (Ann Arbour: U Michigan P, 2001);
Sonia Massai, Shakespeare and the Rise of the Editor (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2007);
Jeffrey Masten, Textual Intercourse (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997);
and Marta Straznicky, ed., The Book of the Play (Amherst and Boston: U Massachusetts P, 2006).
A contemporary poem, “To my good freandes mr John Hemings & Henry Condall,” similarly stresses their roles as collectors. The poem figures the two actors as treasure hunters who have not constructed the Folio so much as they have unearthed a preexisting prize and facilitated its availability for the public: “Joyntly with vndaunted paynes . . yowe haue pleased the lyving, loved the deadd, / Raysede from the woambe of Earth a Ritcher myne / Than [Cortez].” See E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare: A Study of Facts and Problems, vol. 2, (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1930), 234–35.
For an extended consideration of “bibliographic codes,” see Jerome McGann, The Textual Condition (Princeton: Princeton UP, 1991). The notion of bibliographic coding also informs the work of D. F. McKenzie; see, for example, Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1999).
O1 appears to have been unauthorized. A second edition of the play (O2) was printed in 1570: “The Tragidie of Ferrex / and Porrex, / set forth without any addition or alte- / ration but altogether as the same was shewed / on stage before the Queenes Maiestie, / about nine yeares past, vz. The / xviij. day of Ianuarie. 1561. / by the gentlemen of the Inner Temple.” The 1570 text differs significantly from O1 in terms of both paratextual materials and substantive readings. For useful discussions of the relationship between the two editions, see Henry James and Greg Walker, “The Politics of Gorboduc,” English Historical Review 110.435 (1995): 109–21, and Brooks, From Playhouse to Printing House, 24–40.
For Webster’s involvement in preparing his plays for print as well as making press corrections, see J. R. Brown, “The Printing of John Webster’s Plays,” 3 parts: Studies in Bibliography 6 (1954): 117–40; 8 (1956): 113–28; 15 (1962): 57–69.
For explorations of folio production, authorship, and printed drama as literature in regards to Shakespeare, see Lukas Erne, Shakespeare as Literary Dramatist (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003);
Margreta de Grazia, Shakespeare Verbatim: The Reproduction of Authenticity and the 1790 Apparatus (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), 14–48;
and David Scott Kastan, Shakespeare After Theory (New York and London: Routledge, 1999), 50–78.
On Jonson’s Folio, see Mark Bland, “William Stansby and the Production of The Workes of Beniamin Jonson, 1615–1616,” The Library 20 (1998): 1–33; Brooks, From Playhouse to Printing House, 104–39;
Jennifer Brady and W. H. Herendeen, eds. Ben Jonson’s 1616 Folio (Newark: U of Delaware P, 1991);
and Lowenstein, Jonson and Possessive Authorship (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002), 133–210.
Folio prices were fluid relative to their bound or unbound state, but they would not have ranged within the denominations that Heminge and Condell cite. Unbound copies are estimated to have sold for 15s., with bound copies costing up to £1 (in plain calf). See Anthony James West, The Shakespeare First Folio: The History of the Book. Volume I: An Account of the First Folio Based on its Sales and Prices, 1623–2000 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2001), 8–13.
McMillin’s position is outlined in the introduction to The First Quarto of Othello (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001). For the limitations of McMillin’s theory, see Neill’s edition of Othello (405–33), and Edward Pechter, “Crisis in Editing?,” Shakespeare Survey 59 (2006): 20–38.
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© 2014 J. Gavin Paul
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Paul, J.G. (2014). Text and Performance on the Early Modern Page. In: Shakespeare and the Imprints of Performance. History of Text Technologies. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137438447_2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137438447_2
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