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IRA Emigration and the Social Outcomes of the Civil War

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Abstract

In July 1923, roughly two months after the IRA abandoned its armed campaign against the Free State, Éamon de Valera issued a defiant statement on behalf of the anti-treaty cause. ‘There will be no “Wild Geese”… this time’, he vowed. ‘The soldiers of the Republic have been ordered to live and die in Ireland, and they will obey. Living or dead, we mean to establish the right of Irish Republicans to live and work openly for the complete liberation of our country.’1 By referencing ‘Wild Geese’ — the folk term for Jacobite soldiers exiled from Ireland after their defeat in the Williamite War — de Valera was telegraphing a deeper historical truth that was on many people’s minds in the aftermath of the civil war.2 Well-versed in Irish history, the ‘revolutionary generation’ knew that failed nationalist risings tended to produce ‘mini-diasporas’ of exiles.3 Along with the ‘Wild Geese’, there had been the earlier ‘Flight of the Earls’, thousands of United Irishmen who fled government repression in the 1790s, the scattered remnants of the ‘Young Ireland’ Rising of 1848, and a stream of Fenian émigrés in the post-Famine period.

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Notes

  1. Others who have likened the republican exodus to the ‘Flight of the Wild Geese’ include Ernie O’Malley (2012 edn) The Singing Flame (Cork), p. 358

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  2. and Liam Deasy (1998 edn) Brother against Brother (Dublin), pp. 30–1.

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  3. The term ‘revolutionary generation’ comes from F. S. L. Lyons (1979) Culture and Anarchy in Ireland 1890–1939 (Oxford), Chapter 4 passim.

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  4. I borrow the phrase ‘mini-diaspora’ from C. S. Andrews (1982) Man of No Property: an Autobiography (Volume Two) (Cork), p. 14.

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  5. Frank O’Connor (1961) An Only Child (New York), p. 271.

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  6. The TWU’s interwar leader was civil war veteran Mike Quill. See Brian Hanley (2009) ‘Irish Republicans in Interwar New York’, Irish Journal of American Studies, Vol. 1 (June), available online at <http://www.ijasonline.com/BRIAN-HANLEY.html>; Shirley Quill (1985) Mike Quill, Himself: a Memoir (Greenwich, CT);

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  7. and L. H. Whittemore (1968) The Man Who Ran the Subway: the Story of Mike Quill (New York).

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  8. Máire Comerford in Uinseann Mac Eoin (1980) Survivors (Dublin), p. 52; Andrews, Man of No Property, p. 14.

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  10. Brian Hanley (2002) The IRA 1926–1936 (Dublin) and ‘Irish Republicans in Inter-War New York’.

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  11. Gavin Wilk (2012) ‘Displaced Allegiance: Militant Irish Republican Activism in the U.S., 1923–39’, PhD thesis (NUI Limerick).

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  12. Kerby Miller (1985) Emigrants and Exiles: Ireland and the Irish Exodus to North America (New York), pp. 453, 555. Italics added.

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  13. Matthew J. O’Brien (2001) ‘Irishness in Great Britain and the U.S.: Transatlantic and Cross-Channel Migration Networks and Irish Ethnicity, 1920–1990’, PhD thesis (Madison, Wisconsin), p. 3.

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  14. Peter Hart (2003) ‘The Protestant Experience of Revolution in Southern Ireland’ in The IRA at War 1916–1923 (Oxford), pp. 223–40;

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  16. ‘Kent Fedorowich (1999) ‘Reconstruction and Resettlement: the Politicization of Irish Migration to Australia and Canada, 1919–1929’, The English Historical Review, Vol. 114, No. 459 (Nov.), 1143–1178;

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  28. and Enda Delaney (2002) Irish Emigration Since 1921 (Dublin), p. 43.

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  31. See also D. P. Moran (1905 edn) The Philosophy of Irish-Ireland (Dublin), pp. 16–17.

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  32. Table 1.1 in Delaney, Demography, State and Society, p. 22. Although lower than in the late nineteenth century, emigration from the 26 counties was averaging 26,000 per year between 1911 and 1926, David Johnson (1985) The Interwar Economy in Ireland (Dublin), p. 37.

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  33. In a well-known comment during a 1920 interview with France’s Le Journal, the Irish Lord Lieutenant Field-Marshal Lord French explicitly blamed Ireland’s political unrest on the fact that 100,000–200,000 young men who ordinarily would have emigrated had been unable to do so, Dorothy Macardle (1968 edn) The Irish Republic (London), p. 308. See also Kissane, Explaining Irish Democracy, p. 11.

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  34. Peter Hart (1997) ‘The Geography of Revolution in Ireland 1917–1923’, Past and Present, Vol. 155, No. 1, 142–76, argued that British Army recruitment effectively took up the surplus. For both County Clare and Ireland as a whole, Fitzpatrick would appear to agree, Politics and Irish Life, p. 199.

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  48. On the initial Canadian destination of many Volunteers see March 1924 Army Intelligence report for Kerry, MS 175, Military Archives; and West Limerick Brigade member’s 1941 pension application, Ms. 27.606(2), NLI. Seamus O’Connor (1987 edn) Tomorrow Was Another Day: Irreverent Memories of an Irish Rebel Schoolmaster (Dun Laoire, Co. Dublin), p. 121.

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  57. C. Lawlor (ed.) (2005) Seán MacBride: That Day’s Struggle: a Memoir 1904–1951 (Blackrock, Dublin), p. 105.

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© 2015 Gavin Maxwell Foster

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Foster, G.M. (2015). IRA Emigration and the Social Outcomes of the Civil War. In: The Irish Civil War and Society. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137425706_8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137425706_8

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-49061-5

  • Online ISBN: 978-1-137-42570-6

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