Abstract
The half decade between the ambiguous end of the civil war and the rise of de Valera’s Fianna Fáil party in the late 1920s was a deeply traumatic period for the losers of the conflict. In his oration at the 1924 Wolfe Tone commemoration at Bodenstown, republican propagandist Brian O’Higgins spoke of ‘the cesspools of calumniation … the thorny ways of poverty … the torture-hells called prisons and the bitterness of exile’ that ‘republican idealists’ in every generation had been forced to endure.1 O’Higgins’ prophetic comments neatly telegraph the central features of republicans’ collective experience living under a newly consolidated post-revolutionary status quo. Stripped of O’Higgins’ literary language, the primary post-revolutionary difficulties republican sources have stressed include ongoing persecution by the state; financial hardship brought about by imprisonment and economic discrimination amidst the depressed postwar economy; and a mass exodus abroad. To what extent does this picture stand up to scrutiny? Were the forces of repression as severe as republicans alleged? Did the losers of the civil war suffer inordinate hardship as a result of an orchestrated campaign of economic victimization? Did republican activists emigrate from the early Free State in especially high numbers? And if so, were government repression and economic victimization the main ‘push factors’ behind this exodus?
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Notes
Pádraig Ó Tuille (n.d. [1966]) Life and Times of Brian O’Higgins (Navan, Co. Kildare), p. 20.
Anne Dolan (2003) Commemorating the Irish Civil War: History and Memory, 1923–2000 (Cambridge), p. 95 (footnote 254).
Bill Kissane (2005) The Politics of the Irish Civil War (Oxford), pp. 2–4.
‘Irish Peace Offer — Rebel Offensive to Cease — De Valera’s Terms’, The Times, 28 April 1923. Michael Hopkinson (2004 edn) Green against Green: the Irish Civil War (Dublin), pp. 256–7.
Over a hundred republican fighters were captured in the first week of May alone, Dorothy Macardle (1968 edn) The Irish Republic (London), pp. 779–80.
Tom Garvin (1996) 1922: the Birth of Irish Democracy (Dublin), pp. 120–1.
Hopkinson, Green against Green, p. 259. For text of the 24 May 1923 order see Cormac O’Malley and Anne Dolan (eds) (2007) No Surrender Here! The Civil War Papers of Ernie O’Malley 1922–1924 (Dublin), p. 377.
Hopkinson, Green against Green, p. 259. See also Sligo IRA member William Pilkington quoted in Michael Farry (2000) The Aftermath of Revolution: Sligo, 1921–1923 (Dublin), p. 93.
Francis Blake (1986) The Irish Civil War 1922–1923 and What It Still Means For the Irish People (London), p. 56.
Macardle, The Irish Republic, p. 786; O’Halpin (1999) Defending Ireland: the Irish State and its Enemies since 1922 (Oxford), p. 42;
and Michael Hopkinson in J. R. Hill (ed.) (2003) A New History of Ireland, VII, Ireland 1921–84 (Oxford), p. 52.
Higher figures appear in Meda Ryan (2003) Tom Barry: IRA Freedom Fighter (Cork), p. 196;
McGarry (2002) Frank Ryan (Dublin), p. 5;
and Pyne (1969) ‘The Third Sinn Féin Party: 1923–1926, Part 1’, The Economic and Social Review, Vol. 1, No. 1 (Oct.), 33.
Robert Kee (2000 edn) The Green Flag: a History of Irish Nationalism (London), p. 744.
Ernie O’Malley (2012 edn) The Singing Flame (Cork), p. 292.
See O’Malley, The Singing Flame, p. 292; Peter Hart (1998) The IRA and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork, 1916–1923 (Oxford), p. 125;
and Jeremiah Murphy (1998) When Youth Was Mine: a Memoir of Kerry, 1902–1925 (Dublin), p. 268.
Calton Younger (1969) Ireland’s Civil War (New York), p. 503.
Uinseann Mac Eoin (1997) The IRA in the Twilight Years 1923–1948 (Dublin), pp. 77, 79.
Seosamh Ó Longaigh (2006) Emergency Law in Independent Ireland, 1922–1948 (Dublin), pp. 39–41.
T. P. Coogan (1994) The IRA: a History (Niwot, CO) pp. 31–2.
IRA policy against ‘signing out’ was codified in General Order No. 24, Brian Hanley (2002) The IRA 1926–1936 (Dublin), pp. 37–9.
Litton (1995) The Irish Civil War: an Illustrated History (Dublin), pp. 125–6.
Frank O’Connor described the post-strike mood in his camp as a ‘grave of lost illusions’, Frank O’Connor (1961) An Only Child (New York), p. 270–1.
See also J. Campbell (Eiléan Ní Chuilleanáin, ed.) (2001) As I Was Among the Captives: Joseph Campbell’s Prison Diary, 1922–1923 (Cork), p. 105.
Harnett (J. H. Joy, ed.) (2002) Victory and Woe: the West Limerick Brigade in the War of Independence (Dublin), p. 159.
Constance Markievicz, NDU Internment Camp, 12 Dec. 1923 letter to sister, Eva, in Markievicz (1987 edn) (A. Sebestyen, ed.) Prison Letters of Countess Markievicz (London), p. 282.
C. S. Andrews (1982) Man of No Property: an Autobiography (Volume Two) (Cork), p. 51.
Blake, The Irish Civil War, p. 56. Kiernan McCarthy and Major Britt Christensen (1992) Cobh’s Contribution to the Fight for Irish Freedom 1913–1990 (Cobh, Co. Cork), p. 130.
O’Halpin, Defending Ireland, p. 42; J. M. Curran (1980) The Birth of the Irish Free State, 1921–23 (Mobile, AL), pp. 259–60, 267;
D. Fitzpatrick (1998) The Two Irelands 1912–1939 (Oxford), pp. 205–6, 241–2; Garvin, 1922, pp. 53–4, 165–8;
J. Bowyer-Bell (1997 edn) The Secret Army: the IRA (Dublin), p. 41; Coogan, The IRA, pp. 30–1.
Min./Justice O’Higgins’ 10 Jan. 1924 memo to Executive Council and accompanying Garda crime returns for 1 July–21 Dec. 1923 highlighting cases involving (ex-)members of the National Army, P24/323, E. Blythe Papers, UCDA. John Regan (1999) The Irish Counter-Revolution 1921–1936: Treatyite Politics and Settlement in Independent Ireland (Dublin), p. 178.
Macardle, Irish Republic, p. 787. Neeson (1989 edn) The Civil War 1922–23 (Swords, Co. Dublin), p. 294 and Mac Eoin, Survivors, p. 50.
Brian O’Higgins (1962 edn) Wolfe Tone Annual (Dublin), pp. 24–7.
Brian O’Higgins lists eight such victims post-ceasefire, O’Higgins (1962 edn) Wolfe Tone Annual (Dublin: n. p.), pp. 28–9.
Seamus Mac Suain (1993) Republican Wexford Remembers 1922–1923 (Loch Garman, Ireland), pp. 26–7, 44. See also Hart, The IRA and its Enemies, p. 125.
Ernie O’Malley (2012) (C. K. H. O’Malley and T. Horgan eds) The Men Will Talk to Me: Kerry Interviews (Cork), pp. 26, 28–9, 75–6, 95–7, 102–8, 146, 211, 235, 258–9, 278–9, 286–7, 293, 329. But O’Malley himself expressed some skepticism about the blame his interviewees p laced on Daly and Neligan, p. 293.
Kerry Volunteers, in particular, dwell on the topic of dugouts. Seamus O’Connor (1987 edn) Tomorrow Was Another Day: Irreverent Memories of an Irish Rebel Schoolmaster (Dun Laoire, Co. Dublin), pp. 91–2, 113. Also see John Joe Sheehy in Mac Eoin, Survivors, p. 358.
Liam Skinner (1946) Politicians by Accident (Dublin), p. 87.
F. S. L. Lyons (1979) Culture and Anarchy in Ireland, 1890–1939 (Oxford), Chapter 4 passim.
John Horgan (1997) Seán Lemass: the Enigmatic Patriot (Dublin), p. 26.
Padraic O’Farrell (1997) Who’s Who in the Irish War of Independence and Civil War 1916–1923 (Dublin), p. 169.
Seán Kennedy (2005) ‘Cultural Memory in Mercier and Camier: the Fate of Noel Lemass’, in Marius Bunig et al. (eds) Historicizing Beckett/Issues of Performance (Amsterdam and New York), p. 118.
The three acts were the ‘Public Safety (Powers of Arrest and Detention) Temporary Bill, 1924’, the ‘Public Safety (Punishment of Offences) Temporary Act, 1924’, and the ‘Firearms (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1924’. Ó Longaigh, Emergency Law, pp. 45–50; also see F. S. L. Lyons (1973 edn) Ireland Since the Famine (London), pp. 487–8.
Ryan, Tom Barry, pp. 202–3. Michael Laffan (1999) The Resurrection of Ireland: the Sinn Féin Party, 1916–1923 (Cambridge), p. 439.
De Valera’s 11 July 1927 statement in Maurice Moynihan (ed.) (1980) Speeches and Statements by Eamon de Valera 1917–73 (Dublin), pp. 148–9.
Alvin Jackson (1999) Ireland 1798–1998: Politics and War (Oxford), p. 287; Regan, The Irish Counter-Revolution, pp. 288–94.
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© 2015 Gavin Maxwell Foster
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Foster, G.M. (2015). State Repression in the Civil War’s Aftermath. In: The Irish Civil War and Society. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137425706_6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137425706_6
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