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Part of the book series: Cultural Sociology ((CULTSOC))

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Abstract

We began this study with Angela Doyle. I chose her because in many ways she revealed how quite an ordinary middle-aged, middle-class woman was shaped by the culture into which she had been socialized, and how she used this culture to develop her social position and live a fulfilling and meaningful life. She, like most of the participants, is suspended by strong webs of meaning spun around, in and between family members, friends, and neighbors. There is nothing particularly odd or special about her life. Her days revolve around caring for her husband, children, and parents and, beyond them, reaching out and attending to the needs of the parents, teachers, and pupils in the local school—she is president of the PTA and a member of the local GAA club for which she used to act as secretary. Like many others, she has her own trials and tribulations—particularly her alcoholic father. But the impression I got was that she is generally happy and content in the cocoon of love and care in which she is enveloped. There were others who were less happy and content, who had suffered great tragedies, losses, and illnesses: Miley Nolan, whose son died of cancer at a very young age; George Flynn, whose daughter almost died in a road accident and then he himself nearly died of an accident on his farm; Rosemary McManus, whose son died in a car accident; and Simon Walsh, whose brother committed suicide by a drug overdose.

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Notes

  1. For a more detailed discussion of love as the new religion, see, Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim, The Normal Chaos of Love (Cambridge: Polity, 1995), 168–201. However, their description and analysis concentrates more on romantic love and does not deal with the decline of religion in people’s lives.

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  2. For a discussion of the work-love balance, see Tom Inglis, Love (London: Routledge, 2013), 48–50.

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  3. For a discussion of the ingredients of love, see Thomas Scheff, What’s Love Got to Do with It? Emotions and Relationships in Popular Songs (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Books, 2011), 26–35;

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  4. Ellen Berscheid, “Love in the Fourth Dimension,” Annual Review of Psychology 61 (2011), 1–25.

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  5. See Niklas Luhmann, Love as Passion: The Codification of Intimacy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1986);

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  6. Eva Illouz, Consuming the Romantic Utopia: Love and the Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).

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  7. For a description and analysis of the differences between romantic, or “movie” love, and real, adult, practical love, see Ann Swidler, Talk of Love: How Culture Matters (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 2003), 111–134.

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  8. For a description and analysis of the impact of globalization on love and intimacy and the emergence of “world families,” see Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim, Distant Love (Cambridge: Polity, 2014).

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  9. Weber’s concept of life chances is mixed up with his concepts of lifestyles and life conduct. See Thomas Abel and William Cockerman, “Lifestyle or Lebensfhührung? Critical Remarks on the Mistranslation of Weber’s ‘Class, Status, Party,’” The Sociological Quarterly 34.3 (1993), 551–556. He undoubtedly linked life chances to class situation, that is, the “shared typical probability of procuring goods, gaining a position in life, and finding inner satisfaction.”

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  10. Max Weber, Economy and Society, ed. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 302. In other words, the ability of people to fulfill their needs, interests, and pleasures depends primarily on their wealth, their skills, and other cultural assets, which, for Weber, meant their social class or market position. Following Darhendorf, it is probably best to see Weber’s notion of life chances as the likelihood of the occurrence of certain events, that is, satisfying one’s interests, being dependent on a number of different economic, social, and cultural conditions, including income, property, norms, rights, power of command, and so forth. What is important, however, is that for Weber, life chances are not the attributes of individuals, but rather that individuals have life chances and their lives are about how they respond to these chances.

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  11. See Ralf Dahrendorf, Life Chances (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1979), 29.

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  12. Weber emphasized the crucial role new ideas have in changing the direction of how people live their lives and fulfill their interests. He argued that while human interests are almost universally similar, the way in which these interests were fulfilled depended on ideas, and that new ideas and beliefs about life could switch the ways in which people fulfilled these interests. “Not ideas, but material and ideal interests directly govern men’s conduct. Yet very frequently the ‘world’ images that have been created by ‘ideas’ have, like switchmen, determined the tracks along which action has been pushed by the dynamic of interest.” Max Weber, “The Social Psychology of the World Religions,” From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 280.

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  19. Clifford Geertz, “Religion as a Cultural System,” in Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 89.

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© 2014 Tom Inglis

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Inglis, T. (2014). Love. In: Meanings of Life in Contemporary Ireland. Cultural Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137413727_8

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