Abstract
Released in 2002, the National Security Strategy of the United States of America — and the lesser-known National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction — defined the Bush administration’s strategic response to the events of 11 September 2001. In essence, the controversial documents made two significant declarations. First, “WMD — nuclear, biological, and chemical — in the possession of hostile states and terrorists represent one of the greatest security challenges facing the US.”1 Second, “[o]ur enemies have openly declared that they are seeking WMDs… the US will not allow these efforts to succeed… as a matter of common sense and self defense, America will act against such emerging threats before they are fully formed.”2 Taken together, these two assertions — that the most vital threat to the national security of the United States was the linkage of “radicalism and technology” and that such developments needed to be destroyed “before” they were “fully formed”3 — created the basis for what became known as the “Bush doctrine.” Created via an assortment of post-9/11 speeches, particularly at West Point in 2001 and the State of the Union speech in January 2002, and formalized with the release of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America (hereinafter NSS 2002) of September 2002, the Bush doctrine came to dominate US international political discourse as political leaders, academic scholars, analysts and the general public debated the ramifications of this broad and contentious initiative.
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Notes
See, M. Elaine Bunn, “Preemptive Action: When, How, and to What Ellect?,” Strategic Forum, no. 200 (2003): 3.
Dick Cheney, “Remarks by the Vice President to the Veterans of Foreign Wars 103rd National Convention,” The White House Archives, 26 August 2002, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2002/08/20020826.html. The recurring positive relerence of Bush administration officials to the Israeli attack is notable because at the time of the event Israeli strikes were also condemned by the United States. Security Council resolution 487, which was passed unanimously, characterized the attack as a “clear violation of the United Nations Charter and the norms of international conduct.” Security Council, “Resolution 487,” 19 June 1981, par. 1, http://unispal.un.org/unispal.nsf/d744b47860e5c97e85 256c40005d01d6/6c57312cc8bd93ca852560df00653995. Then, this condemnation marked a significant US stance against preventive use-of-lorce (by states other than itself) — especially because the United States commonly vetoed Security Council resolutions critical of Israeli action in this period. Between 1970 and 1985, USA thus used its veto in the Security Council a total of seventeen times to prevent Israel-critical resolutions from passing. Compare, David L. Bosco, Five to Rule Them All. The UN Security Council and the Making of the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 136.
Colin L. Powell, “A Strategy of Partnerships,” Foreign Affairs, 83, no. 1 (2004): 24. Powell’s contention that preemption applied only to nonstate actors such as terrorist groups was disingenuous, to say the least. The most prominent example of the Administration’s use of preventive military force was the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 to overthrow the regime of Saddam Hussein. This was clearly not an instance of preemptive action against a nonstate actor.
Galia Press-Barnathan, “The War against Iraq and International Order: From Bull to Bush,” International Studies Review, 6, no. 2 (2004): 202.
Walter Russell Mead, Power, Terror, Peace, and War: America’s Grand Strategy in a World at Risk (New York: Knopf, 2004): 117.
Robert J. Pauly and Tom Lansford, Strategic Preemption: US Foreign Policy and the Second Iraq War (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005): 154–155.
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Richard Perle is former Chairman of the Defense Policy Board (he resigned on 27 March 2003 under the shadow of conflict of interest allegations), an influential neo-conservative organization whose objective is to provide the Secretary of Defense, Deputy Secretary and Under Secretary for Policy with “independent, informed advice and opinion concerning major matters of defense policy.” See, US Department of Defense, “Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee,” Federal Register, 60, no. 15 (1995): 4605.
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Herman Cohen, “The Bush Doctrine of Strategic Preemption: A Revolutionary Upheaval or a Predictable Evolution of the International System?,” Foreign Policy Interests, 26, no. 2 (2004): 126
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Jeffrey Record, Nuclear Deterrence, Preventive War and Counterproliferation, CATO Institute Policy Analysis (CATO Institute, 8 July 2004), 15, http://www.cato.org/publications/policy -analysis/nuclear-deterrence-preventive-war-counterproliferation.
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John Parachini, “Putting WMD Terrorism into Perspective,” The Washington Quarterly, 26, no. 4 (2003): 37–38.
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James L. Brierly, The Law of Nations: An Introduction to the International Law of Peace, Humphrey Waldock (ed.), 6. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963): 419; and Akehurst, A Modern Introduction to International Law, 261.
Philippe Sands, Lawless World: America and the Making and Breaking of Global Rules (London: Allen Lane, 2005): 227.
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© 2014 Aiden Warren and Ingvild Bode
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Warren, A., Bode, I. (2014). Bush and the Use-of-Force. In: Governing the Use-of-Force in International Relations. New Security Challenges Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137411440_5
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