Abstract
The politics and policies of late colonialism in the Portuguese empire were characterized by a repressive developmentalism, a particular combination of enhanced coercive (symbolic and material) repertoires of rule, programmed developmental strategies of political, economic and socio-cultural change, and processes of engineering of socio-cultural differentiation. At its core, as Frederick Cooper noted, was a ‘repressive version of the developmentalist colonial state’.1 The late imperial and colonial states aimed to co-ordinate policies of imperial resilience in a context of widespread evolving colonial and international pressures which were contrary to their existence, or pressing for their substantial reform.2 They were the institutional loci in which the entangled policies of repressive developmentalism evolved, in which there was a coalescence between idioms, programmes, and repertoires of colonial social contr of and coercion (for instance, the schemes of resettlement, civil and military, of the African population and the strategies of counter-insurgency) — related, but not reducible, to the colonial wars and to the militarization of colonial societies; idioms, programmes, and repertoires of colonial development and modernization (for instance, the developmental plans of the 1950s and 1960s); and idioms, projects, and repertoires of imperial and colonial social engineering (for instance, the indigenato regime or the nationalized version of the doctrine of welfare colonialism and its languages and programmes of native welfare and native social promotion).
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Notes
F. Cooper, Africa since 1940: The Past of the Present, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. 62.
For the debate on the existence and nature of the late-colonial state see, among others, C. Young, African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1994;
B. J. Berman, ‘Review: The perils of Bula Matari: Constraint and power in the colonial state’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, 31 3, 1997, pp. 556–570 (a critique of Young’s assessment);
J. Darwin, ‘What was the late-colonial state?’, Itinerario, 23, 3–4, 1999, pp. 73–82;
M. Newitt, ‘The late colonial state in Portuguese Africa’, Itinerario, 3/4, 1999, pp. 110–22.
For the evolution of the colonial state in the ‘Third’ Portuguese colonial empire, see M. B. Jeronimo, ‘The states of empire’, in L. Trindade, ed., The Making of Modern Portugal, Newcastle, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013, pp. 65–101.
For a more general and rich contribution, see J. Scott, Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition have Tailed, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1988.
A recent book expanded these approaches: M. B. Jeronimo and A. C. Pinto, eds, Portugal e o Tim do Colonialismo: Dimensões Internacionais, Lisbon, Edições 70, 2014.
For the case of international development see F. Cooper and R. Packard, eds, International Development and the Social Sciences: Tssays in the History and Politics of Knowledge, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1997;
for the globalization and localization of Cold War dynamics, see the now classic O. A. Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005,
and the collective assessment in R. J. McMahon, ed., The Cold War in the Third World, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013.
For one example of the role of one international organization and late colonialism and decolonization see D. R. Maul, Human Rights, Development and Decolonization: The International Labour Organization, 1940–70, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
The emphasis on metropolitan or metro-centric dimensions is a notorious tendency in the study of imperial and colonial formations. For instance, see A. Porter, European Imperialism, 1860–1914, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 1994.
For an overview of the problem in social theory and in sociological literature see D. Chernilo, A Social Theory of the Nation State: The Political Torms of Modernity beyond Methodological Nationalism, London, Routledge, 2007.
For an example of the benefits that can result from the incorporation of international, transnational and inter-imperial connections and dynamics see M. B. Jeronimo and J. P. Monteiro, ‘Internationalism and the labours of the Portuguese colonial empire (1945–1974)’, Portuguese Studies, 29, 2, 2013, pp. 142–163.
See, for instance, the diverse possible understandings proposed by N. Crawford, Argument and Change in World Politics: Ethics, Decolonization, Humanitarian Intervention, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002;
M. Callahan, A Sacred Trust: The League of Nations and Africa, 1929–1946, Brighton, Sussex Academic Press, 2004;
E. Manela, The Wilsonian Moment: Self-Determination and the International Origins of Anticolonial Nationalism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2007.
In different measures and degrees of elaboration, we may argue, of course, that all these investigative modalities were part of previous imperial and colonial repertoires of rule. We are essentially interested in analysing their mid-20th century formulations and manifestations. For the notion and the types of investigative modalities see B. S. Cohn, Colonialism and its Torms of Knowledge: The British in India, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1996.
For an overview see C. Bonneuil, ‘Development as experiment: Science and state building in late colonial and. postcolonial Africa, 1930–1970’, Osiris, 15, 2000, pp. 258–281.
The importance of state traditions — especially the metropolitan one, which ‘shaped the subliminal premises of statecraft by colonial state agents’, is mentioned by C. Young, ‘The African colonial state revisited’, Governance, 11, 1, 1998, p. 109.
For the notion of politics of difference see J. Burbank and F. Cooper, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2010.
F. Cooper, ‘Modernizing bureaucrats’, 1997, p. 64.
For its history see M. Hailey, An African Survey, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1938, pp. xxix–xxv;
J. W. Cell, Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism, 1872–1969, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 211;
H. Tilley, Africa as a Living Laboratory: Empire, Development, and the Problem of Scientific Knowledge, 1870–1950, Chicago, IL, Chicago University Press, 2011, especially pp. 69–114. For the formation of scientific knowledge in Portugal related to imperial affairs, see F. Ágoas, ‘Estado, universidade e ciências sociais: A introdução da sociologia na Escola Superior Colonial (1952–1972)’
and C. Castelo, ‘Ciência, estado e desenvolvimento no colonialismo português tardio’, in M. B. Jeronimo, ed., O Império Colonial em Questão (Secs XIX–XX): Poderes, Saberes e Instituições, Lisbon, Edições 70, 2012, pp. 317–347, 349–387.
For the circulatory regimes and the epistemic communities, see P.-Y. Saunier, ‘Circulations, connexions et espaces transnationaux’, Genèses, 57, 4, 2004, pp. 110–126;
P.-Y. Saunier, ‘Les régimes circulatoires du domaine social 1800–1940: Projets et ingénierie de la convergence et de la différence’, Genèses, 71, 2, 2008, pp. 4–25;
S. Kott, ‘Une ‘communauté épistémique’ du social? Experts de l’OIT et internationalisation des politiques sociales dans l’entre-deux-guerres’, Genèses, 71, 2, 2008, pp. 26–46.
There were four development plans: 1953–58; 1959–64; 1965–1967; and 1968–73. V. Pereira, ‘A economia do império e os pianos de fomento’, in Jeronimo, ed., O Império Colonial em Questão, 2012, pp. 261–295.
For a rich example see J. P. B. Coelho, Protected Villages and Communal Villages in the Mozambican Province of Tete (1968–1982): A History of State Resettlement Policies, Development and War, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Bradford, 1993.
For the second colonial occupation see D. A. Low and J. Lonsdale, ‘Towards the new order, 1945–1963’, in D. A. Low and A. Smith, eds, History of East Africa, vol. III, Oxford, Clarendon, 1976, p. 12.
For the good government see J. M. Lee, Colonial Development and Good Government: A Study of the Ideas Expressed by the British Official Classes in Planning Decolonization 1939–1964, Oxford, Clarendon, 1967, p. 3.
For a critical appraisal of its history see V. Hewitt, ‘Empire, international development and the concept of good government’, in M. Dullield and V. Hewitt, eds, Empire, Development and Colonialism: The Past in the Present, Woodbridge, James Currey, 2013, pp. 30–44. A comparative assessment of this history has still to be done.
See M. B. Jeronimo, ‘Geografias vitais: A imaginação (geo)política do novo imperialismo europeu (1870–1920)’, in Â. Rivero and J. M. Hernández, eds, El Espacio Político, forthcoming, D. Bell, The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 2007;
G. Wilder, The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the Two World Wars, Chicago, IL, University of Chicago Press, 2005, pp. 24–40.
See decree-laws 2016, 29 May 1949 and 2048, 11 June 1951. J. F. Bossa, ‘Organização política das províncias ultramarinas’, Boletim Geral das Colónias, 2356, 1945, pp. 37–71.
See also V. Loll, Estudo de Base sobre o Ordenamento e Coordenaçâo dos Serviços e Organismos Executivos da Política Económica Nacional de Âmbito Ultramarino, Lisbon, Centro de Estudos Políticos e Sociais, 1960;
A. H. Wilensky, Tendencias de la Legislación Ultramarina Portuguesa en África, Braga, PAX, 1968;
A. E. D. Silva, ‘Salazar e a polïtica colonial do Estado Novo: O Acto Colonial (1930–1961)’, in Salazar e o Salazarismo, Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 1989, pp. 101–152.
Salazar’s speech of 11 July 1947, quoted in Y. Léonard, ‘O ultramar portu-guês’, in F. Bethencourt and K. Chaudhuri, Histôria da Expansão Portuguesa, Vol. V: Ultimo Império e Recentramento (1930–1998), Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 1999, p. 34.
M. Caetano, Portugal e o Direito Colonial International, Lisbon, Olicinas Gráficas Casa Portuguesa, 1948, p. 203.
For the French case see F. Cooper, ‘Citizenship and the politics of difference in French Africa, 1946–1960’, in H. Fischer-Tiné and S. Gehrmann, eds, Empires and Boundaries: Rethinking Race, Class, and Gender in Colonial Settings, New York, NY, Routledge, 2009, pp. 107–128.
For the relationship between Portugal and the UN see A. E. D. Silva, ‘O litígio entre Portugal e a ONU (1960–1974)’, Análise Social, 30, 130, 1995, pp. 5–50;
F. Martins, ‘A polïtica externa do Estado Novo: O ultramar e a ONU. Uma doutrina historico-jurídica (1955–68)’, Penélope, 18, 1998, pp. 189–206.
For a synthesis see J. C. Paulo, ‘Ministério das colonias/ultramar’, in F. Rosas and B. de Brito, , vol. II, Lisbon, Bertrand, 1996.
For the GNP see C. Silva, ‘Administrando o império: o Ministério das colonias/ultramar (1930–1974)’, unpublished doctoral thesis, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2008, pp. 70–80.
For the PIDE see D. C. Mateus, A PIDE/DGS na Guerra Colonial (1961–1974), Lisbon, Terramar, 2004.
Decree-Law 41169, 29 June 1957; Decree-Law 45259, 21 September 1963. See Silva, Administrando o Império, 2008, pp. 56–59.
For the notion of infrastructural power of the state see M. Mann, ‘The autonomous power of the state: Its origins, mechanisms and results’, European Journal of Sociology, 25, 1984, pp. 185–213.
See Jeronimo, ‘The states of empire’, 2012, pp. 81–2; Newitt, ‘The Late Colonial State’, 1999, pp. 110–22. For an informative coeval appraisal see, among others, N. A. Bailey, ‘Government and administration’ and ‘The political process and interest groups’, in D. M. Abshire and M. A. Samuels, eds, Portuguese Africa: A Handbook, New York, NY, Praeger, pp. 133–45, 146–64.
For a historical comparative account of the forms and processes of integration of native elites see A. Keese, Living with Ambiguity: Portuguese and French Colonial Administrators, Mutual Influences, and the Question of Integrating an African Elite, 1930–1963, Stuttgart, Steiner, 2007, pp. 111–75.
See H. Galvão and C. Selvagem, Império Ultramarino Português: Monografia do Império, vol. III: Angola, Lisbon, Empresa Nacional de Publicidade, 1950, pp. 236, 350.
R A. Fernandes, O Posto Administrativo na Vida do Indígena, Lisbon, Europa-América, 1953.
Young, ‘African colonial state’, 1998, pp. 105–6.
For a recent overview of the debates over colonial development in Portugal see Cláudia Castelo, ‘Developing “Portuguese Africa” in late colonialism: confronting discourses’, in Joseph Hodge, Gerald Hodl and Martina Kopf, eds, Developing Africa: Concepts and Practices in Twentieth Century Colonialism, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2014.
For the classic account see A. Sarraut, La Mise en Valeur des Colonies Françaises, Paris, Payot, 1923.
For the civilizing mission question see M. B. Jeronimo, Livros Brancos, Almas Negras: A ‘Missâo Civilizadora’ do Colonialismo Português (c. 1870–1930), Lisbon, ICS, 2010.
For lusotropicalism, see C. Castelo, ‘O Modo Português de Estar no Mundo’: O Luso-tropicalismo e a Ideologia Colonial Portuguesa (1933–1961), Oporto, Afrontamento, 1999. Freyre went to Portugal and to the Portuguese colonies in 1951–1952. As a result he published Aventura e Rotina: Sugestões de uma Viagem a Procura das Constantes Portuguesas de Carácter e Acção, Rio de Janeiro, José Olympio, 1953.
M. B. Jeronimo, ‘The “civilization guild”: Race and labour in the Third Portuguese Empire c. 1870–1930’, in F. Bethencourt and A. Pearce, eds, Racism and Ethnic Relations in the Portuguese-Speaking World, London, Oxford University Press/British Academy, 2012, pp. 173–99;
M. B. Jeronimo and J. P. Monteiro, ‘On “the difficulties to make the natives work”: The “system” of indigenous labour in the Portuguese colonial empire’, in Jeronimo, ed., O Império Colonial, 2012, pp. 159–96.
J. S. Cunha, O Sistema Português de Política Indígena (Subsídios para o seu Estudo), Coimbra, Coimbra Editora, 1953, pp. 6–7.
For the doctrine of integration see G. Freyre, Integraçâo Portuguesa nos Trópicos, Lisbon, Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar, 1958;
A. Moreira, A Batalha da Esperança, Lisbon, Panorama, 1962, p. 106;
J. P. Neto, Angola: Meio Século de Integração, Lisboa, Institute Superior de Ciências Sociais e Polîtica Ultramarina, 1964. Adriano Moreira was undersecretary of state of the overseas administration from 1959, and at the overseas provinces ministry from April 1961 to December 1962.
For the civilizing mission as a mechanism of engineering inequality see J. Penvenne, ‘We are all Portuguese!: Challenging the political economy of assimilation, Lourenço Marques 1870–1933’, in L. Vail, ed., The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1989, pp. 265–269;
Jeronimo, Livros Brancos, 2010.
See, for example, J. H. Saraiva, Formação do Espaço Português, Lisbon, Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 1963;
A. Moreira, Congregação Gerai das Comunidades Portuguesas, Lisbon, Sociedade de Geografia, 1964; Problemas do Espaço Português: Curso de Extensão Universitária, Lisbon, Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar, Centro de Estudos Políticos e Sociais, 1972.
For a general overview see M. Murteira, ‘Formação e colapso de uma eco-nomia colonial’, in Bethencourt and Chaudhuri, eds, História da Expansão, 1999, pp. 103–130.
For a synthesis of the colonial expenditures of the central government, see L. Ferreira and C. Pedra, ‘Despesas coloniais do estado português 1913–1980’, Revista de História Económica e Social, 24, 1988, pp. 89–103.
See, for example, S. Cunha, O Ultramar a Nação e o 25 de Abril, Coimbra, Atlântida, 1977, p. 146.
The Colonial Development Act of 1929 and the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940; Fonds d’Investissements pour le Développement Economique et Social and the Caisse Centrale de l’Outre-Mer. For the British case see F. Pedler, ‘British planning and private enterprise in colonial Africa’, in P. Duignan and L. H. Gann, eds, Colonialism in Africa, vol. 4: The Economics of Colonialism, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1975, pp. 113–117;
D.J. Morgan, The Official History of Colonial Development, London: Macmillan, 1980;
S. Constantine, The Making of British Colonial Development Policy, London, Frank Cass, 1984;
M. Havinden and D. Meredith, Colonialism and Development: Britain and its Tropical Colonies, 1850–1960, London, Routledge, 1993, pp. 199–205. For the French case see V. Thompson and R. Adloff, ‘French economic policy in tropical Africa’, in P. Duignan and L. H. Gann, eds, Colonialism in Africa, vol. 4: The Economics of Colonialism, pp. 127–164, maxime, pp. 131–133;
S. Dulucq, ‘Fonds d’investissement pour le développement economique et social (FIDES)’, in K. Shillington, ed., Encyclopedia of African History, vol. 1, London: Routledge, 2004, pp. 527–528.
See Economic Survey (1959), table 4-xxii and xxiv, pp. 245–246. For the evolution of the provincial budgets see F. Brandenburg, ‘Development, finance, and trade’, in Abshire and Samuels, eds, Portuguese Africa, 1969, pp. 234–236,
based on Banco de Angola, Relatório e Contas. Exercício de 1966, Lisbon, 1967, p. 193;
and Moçambique, Boletim Mensal da Direcção Provincial dos Serviços de Estatística, 8, 3, 1967, p. 9.
On the civilization guild see Jeronimo, ‘Civilization Guild’, 2012.
Decree-law 46312, 28 April 1964 and dispatch 24 August 1965. See Banco de Angola, Investment of Foreign Capital in Portuguese Ferritories, Lisbon, 1965.
Decree-law 35670, 28 May 1946 (Bank of Angola); Decree-law 41957, 13 November 1959 (transforming the Fundo de Fomento Nacional into the Banco de Fomento Nacional). For a survey of its history see A. B. Nunes, C. Bastien, N. Valério, R. M. de Sousa and S. D. Costa, ‘Banking in the Portuguese Colonial Empire (1864–1975)’, Working Paper 41, Gabinete de Historia Economica e Social, 2010, pp. 25–27.
See, among others, F. Brandenburg, ‘Development, Finance, and Trade’, 1969, pp. 226–230;
L. Rist, ‘Capital and capital supply in relation to development of Africa’, in E. A. G. Robinson, ed., Economic Development for Africa South of the Sahara, New York, NY, St Martin’s Press, 1964, pp. 446–447.
In the metropole, the same process was under way. For instance, the Anglo-American Corporation of South Africa controlled the largest production of wolfram and General Tire and Rubber, a company from Ohio, controlled the production of tyres. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Economic Survey: Portugal, Paris, OECD, 1966, pp. 31–35, 114–121 (for a list of US interests in Angola in the 1960s onwards), cit. p. 119;
W. Minter, Portuguese Africa and the West, New York, NY, Monthly Review Press, 1974, pp. 31–34, 115–127 (for US business interests in Portuguese Africa).
W. Clarence-Smith, ‘Business empires in Angola under Salazar, 1930–1961’, African Economic History, 14, 1985, pp. 1–13.
For some contributions see F. Rollo, ‘O Programa de Assistência Técnica: O interesse americano nas colonias Portuguesas’, Ler História, 47, 2004, pp. 81–123;
M. B. Jeronimo, ‘A question of priorities: The United States of America and the Portuguese Colonial Empire (1945–1961)’, paper presented at the International Seminar on Decolonization, National History Center, Washington DC, 31 July 2009.
For a global appraisal of the Marshall Plan see D. S. Chassé, ‘Towards a global history of the Marshall Plan: European postwar reconstruction and the rise of development economic expertise’, in C. Grabas and A. Nützenadel, eds, Industrial Policy in Europe After 1945: Wealth, Power and Economic Development in the Cold War, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2014, pp. 187–212. For the US-Africa policy see the revealing report prepared by the Office of African Affairs, ‘The United States in Africa south of the Sahara’, 4 August 1955, FRUS, 1955–1957, vol. XVIII, pp. 13–22, esp. 15 [direct reference to economic interests]. Among many other references see M. Leffler, ‘The United States and the strategic dimensions of the Marshall Plan’, Diplomatic History, 12, 3, 1988, pp. 277–306. See also N. J. White, ‘Reconstructing Europe through rejuvenating empire: The British, French, and Dutch experiences compared’, Past&Present, 210, 6, 2011, pp. 211–236.
For a new overall appraisal of post-war economic transformations see M. Mazower, J. Reinisch and D. Feldman, Post-war Reconstruction in Europe: International Perspectives, 1945–1949, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2011.
The Hudson Institute was involved in many similar operations, for instance in Brazil. Hudson Institute, Thoughts and Impressions of Angola. By Members of the Hudson Institute Intensive Aerial Survey Team, Croton-on-Hudson, NY, Hudson Institute, 1969.
See also P. Dickson, Think Tanks, New York, NY, Atheneum, 1972, pp. 99–103;
A. Rich, Think Tanks, Public Policy, and the Politics of Expertise, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 46–49;
W. Minter, Portuguese Africa, 1974, pp. 125–127.
A reference to the impact of the Hudson Institute’s reports is on G. Bender, Angola under the Portuguese: The Myth and the Reality, London, Heinemann, 1978, pp. 189–190, fn 84.
For Cela see R. Ventura, ‘O caso da Cela e a colonização étnica de Angola’, I Congresso dos Economistas Portugueses: Problemas das economias ultramari-nas, IV Secçâo, Lisbon, Instituto Nacional de Estatística/Centro de Estudos Economicos, 1955, pp. 152–190;
J. Denis, Une Colonie Agricole Européenne en Afrique Tropicale: Cela, Angola Portugais, Brussels, Direction de L’Agriculture des Forests et de l’Élevage, 1956;
C. K. Abecassis, ‘Prosseguimento dos trabal-hos do colonato da Cela’, Boletim Geral do Ultramar, 426, 1960, pp. 85–126;
J. V Jordão, Povoamento em Angola 1962–1967, Luanda, JPPA, 1969;
E. Costa, ‘Os colonatos em Angola: Génese, evolução e estado actual’, unpublished doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Agronomia, Lisbon, 2006.
For Matala see W. Marques, Problemas do Desenvolvimento Económico de Angola, Vol. 2, Luanda, Junta de Desenvolvimento Industrial, 1965, pp. 581–582.
For Limpopo see T. de Morais, ‘O colonato do Limpopo’, Estudos Politicos e Sociais, 11, 2, 1964, pp. 477–498;
R. Junior, ‘Industrialização e o colonato do Limpopo’, Boletim Gerai do Ultramar, 482, 1965, pp. 282–285.
E. de Castro Caldas, Modernização da Agricultura: Conferências, Palestras e Artigos (1952–59), Lisbon, Livraria Sá da Costa, 1960, pp. 23–5;
O. Ribeiro, A Colonização de Angola e o Seu Fracasso, Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional, 1981, p. 182.
For the thesis of social imperialism see H.-U. Wehler, ‘Bismarck’s imperialism, 1862–1890’, Past & Present, 48, 1970, pp. 119–155;
G. Eley, ‘Defining social imperialism: Use and abuse of an idea’, Social History, 3, 1976, pp. 265–289.
A. Moreira, Politica Ultramarina, Lisbon, Junta de Investigates do Ultramar, 1961.
For the 1940s see V. Ferreira, Colonização Étnica da África Portuguesa, Lisbon, Bertand & Irmãos, 1944. For the 1950s and 1960s see the entire volume I Congresso dos Economistas Portugueses: Problemas das economias ultramarinas: IV Secçâo, Colonização Étnica. Comunicações e Debates, Lisbon, Institut» Nacional de Estatística/Centro de Estudos Economicos, 1955;
J. M. Caspar, ‘A colonizaçâo branca em Angola e Moçambique’, in Colôquios de Polîtica Ultramarina Internacionalmente Relevante, Lisbon, Junta de Investigates do Ultramar, 1958, pp. 31–53; and the debates in Colóquios sobre Problemas de Povoamento, Lisbon, Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar/Centro de Estudos Políticos e Sociais, 1960.
For ideas regarding the problem of settlement, see Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar, Colóquios sobre Problemas de Povoamento, Lisbon, Tipografia Minerva, 1960.
For the policies of emigration to the colonial world see C. Castelo, Passagens para África: O Povoamento de Angola e Moçambique com Naturais da Metrópole (1920–1974), Oporto: Alrontamento, 2007.
See the debate between Reis Ventura and Valdez dos Santos in I Congresso dos Economistas Portugueses, pp. 343–347. See also G. Bender, ‘Planned rural settlements in Angola: 1900–1968’, in F. W. Heimer, ed., Social Change in Angola, Munich, Weltforum Verlag, 1973, pp. 235–279.
A. C. Soares, Política de Bem-Estar Rural em Angola, Lisbon, Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar/Centro de Estudos Polïticos e Sociais, 196; Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar, Promoção Social em Moçambique: Grupo de Trabalho de Promoção Social de Moçambique, Lisbon, Centro de Estudos de Serviço Social e de Desenvolvimento Comunitário, 1964. See also ‘Education, health, and social wellare’, in Abshire and Samuels, eds, Portuguese Africa, 1969, pp. 194–195.
For Diamang, see T. Cleveland, ‘Rock solid: Alrican laborers on the diamond mines of the Companhia de Diamantes de Angola (Diamang), 1917–1975’, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Minnesota, 2008.
For Cassequel, see J. Ball, ‘“The colossal lie”: The Sociedade Agrícola do Cassequel and Portuguese colonial labor policy in Angola, 1899–1977’, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 2003.
For the labour issue see M. B. Jeronimo and J. P. Monteiro, ‘O império do trabalho: Portugal, as dinâmicas do internacionalismo e os mundos colonials’, in M. B. Jeronimo and A. C. Pinto, eds, Portugal e o Fim do Colonialismo: Dimensões Internacionais, Lisbon: Edições 70, 2014.
For the community development see, among others, A. de Sousa, ‘Desenvolvimento comunitârio em Alrica’, Estudos Ultramarinos, 4, 1959, pp. 7–17;
A. de Sousa, ‘Desenvolvimento comunitârio em Angola’, in Angola: Curso de Extensão Universitâria do Ano Lectivo de 1963–1964, Lisbon, Institute Superior de Ciências Sociais e Política Ultramarina, 1964, pp. 421–440;
A.J. de P. Guerra, ‘Reordenamento rural e desenvolvimento comunitârio’, Trabalho: Boletim do Instituto do Trabalho, Previdência e Acção Social, 4, 1963, pp. 83–128;
F. A. S. Alberto, ‘Integração dos programas de desenvolvimento comunitârio nos quadros da polîtica nacional’, Mensário Administrativo: Publicaçâo de Assuntos de Interesse Ultramarino, 192–197, 1963, pp. 3–14.
For a general comparative appraisal see, for example, S. N. Bhattacharyya, Community Development in Developing Countries, Calcutta, Academic, 1972, pp. 1–3,
and a balance in L. E. Holdcrolt, ‘The rise and lall of community development 1950–65: A critical assessment’, in C. Eicher and J. Staatz, eds, Agricultural Development in the Third World, Baltimore, MD, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984, pp. 45–58.
For the broader issues see F. Cooper and R. Packard, eds, International Development and the Social Sciences: Essays in the History and Politics of Knowledge, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 1997, pp. 1–43.
For the appropriation of international idioms of community development by the Portuguese see J. P. Neto, ‘Política de desenvolvimento comunitârio nas províncias portuguesas de África’, Ultramar, 9, 1962, p. 41;
A. de Sousa, ‘Organização e programas de desenvolvimento comunitârio’, Estudos Políticos e Sociais, I, 3, 1963, p. 553;
A. Cancelas, ‘A terra e o desenvolvimento comunitârio em Moçambique’, unpublished Master’s dissertation, Lisbon, ISCSPU, 1966, pp. 120, 126–128.
Neto, ‘Política de Desenvolvimento’, 1962, p. 57.
For one example of this reasoning see A. de Sousa, ‘Desenvolvimento comunitârio e desenvolvimento economico’, Estudos políticos e socials, II, 2, 1964, p. 294.
See ‘Organização social e económica das populações indígenas’ and ‘Parecer sobre o decreto relativo à organização social e económica das populações indígenas’, Boletim Geral das Colónias, 191, 1941, pp. 7–97, 98–119. See also J. C. Pereira, ‘Da influência do aldeamento na memoria da organizaçâo social e economica das populaçôes indígenas (aspectos particulares do problema na Província da Zambézia, unpublished Master’s dissertation’, Lisbon ISCSPU, 1949.
Created in 1945–46, this native colonato was reinforced in 1949 with technical assistance and some machinery given by the Agricultural Central Services. From 1952 to 1966, the number of farmers increased steadily and more than 4,000 natives lived in the colonato and its nucleus. For the early native colonatos see F. Boaventura, ‘Os colonatos indïgenas em Angola’, Agros, ½, 1951, pp. 44–50;
M. Feio, As Causas do Fracasso da Colonização Agricola de Angola, Lisbon, Ministério da Ciência e Tecnologia, Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1998, p. 30.
See R. F. de Freitas, Conquista da Adesão das Populações, Lourenço Marques, Serviços de Centralização e Coordenação de Informações, 1965;
C. Bessa, ‘Angola: A luta contra a subversão e a colaboração civil-militar’, Revista Militar, 8/9, 1972, pp. 407–443.
For an overview see J. P. Cann, Counterinsurgency in Africa: The Portuguese Way of War, 1961–1974, Solihull, Helion & Co, 2012, pp. 148–169
and Bender, Angola under the Portuguese, 1978.
See, for example, the debates in the bulletin of the Junta de Investigacões do Ultramar, 62, 1963; the Congresso de Povoamento e Promoção Social, 5–9 October 1970; namely, Hermes Araújos Oliveira’s participation. See his Povoamento e Promoção Social in África, Famalicão: Centro Gráfico de Famalicão, 1971. Oliveira was also the author of one of Portugal’s most important counter-insurgency manuals. See Subversão e Contra-subversão, Lisbon, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Política Ultramarina, 1963; J. P. Neto, ‘Movimentos subversivos de Angola: Tentativa de esboço sócio-polïtico’ in Angola: Curso de Extensão Universitária, Lisbon, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Política Ultramarina, 1964, pp. 343–386.
For the strategies of rural resettlement, see R. M. S. Ravara, Contribuição Para uma Política de Reordenamento Rural no Ultramar, Lisbon, Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, 1970;
A. J. de P. Guerra and J. B. Veiga, Revisão do III Piano de Fomento: Promoção Social, Luanda, Junta Provincial de Povoamento, 1970, pp. 113–129.
See also B. Jundanian, ‘Resettlement programs: Counterinsurgency in Mozambique’, Comparative Politics, 6, 4, 1974, pp. 519–540;
G. Bender, ‘The limits of counterinsurgency: An Alrican case’, Comparative Politics, 4, 3, 1972, pp. 331–360.
For geographical variations, see Bender, Angola under the Portuguese, 1978, pp. 159–160, 165–196.
For a typology of settlement schemes in tropical Alrica, see R. Chambers, Settlement Schemes in Tropical Africa, London, Routledge, 1969, pp. 18–22.
This estimate was offered by the commander-in-chief in Mozambique, General Kaûlza de Arriaga. See B. Jundanian, Ibid., p. 523. Thomas Henriksen confirms this in Revolution and Counterrevolution: Mozambique’s War of Independence, 1964–1974, London, Greenwood, 1978, p. 155. A similar figure is advanced for Angola. See W. van der Waals, Portugal’s War in Angola 1961–1974, Rivonia, Ashanti, 1993, pp. 200–201.
For the concept of mille villages see M. Cornaton, Les Camps de Regroupement de la Guerre d’Algérie, Paris, L’Harmattan, 1998, pp. 68–74;
F. Klose, Human Rights in the Shadow of Colonial Violence: The Wars of Independence in Kenya and Algeria, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013, pp. 168–171.
For the historical legacies see M. L. Bowen. The State Against the Peasantry: Rural Struggles in Colonial and Postcolonial Mozambique, Charlottesville and London, University Press of Virginia, 2000;
M. Mahoney, ‘Estado Novo, Hornern Novo (New State, New Man): Colonial and anticolonial development ideologies in Mozambique, 1930–1977’, in D. C. Engerman, N. Gilman, M. H. Haefele and M. E. Latham, eds, Staging Growth: Modernization, Development, and the Global Cold War, Amherst, MA, University of Massachusetts Press, 2003, pp. 165–198;
J. P. B. Coelho, ‘State resettlement policies in post-colonial rural Mozambique: The impact of the communal village programme on Tete province, 1977–1982’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 24, 1, 1998, pp. 61–91.
See M. B. Jeronimo, ‘A escrita plural dos impérios: Economia, geopolítica e religião na obra de Andrew Porter’, in A. Porter, ed., O Imperialismo Europeu, 1860–1914, Lisbon, Edições 70, 2011, pp. 7–67.
For two recent comparative approaches see M. Shipway Decolonization and its Impact: A Comparative Approach to the End of the Colonial Empires, Oxford, Blackwell, 2008;
M. Thomas, B. Moore and L. J. Butler, Crises of Empire: Decolonization and Europe’s Imperial States, 1918–1975, London, Hodder Education, 2008.
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Jerónimo, M.B., Pinto, A.C. (2015). A Modernizing Empire? Politics, Culture, and Economy in Portuguese Late Colonialism. In: Jerónimo, M.B., Pinto, A.C. (eds) The Ends of European Colonial Empires. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137394064_3
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