Abstract
As the“Arab Spring” of 2011 Began to unfold, especially when it reached Cairo, questions immediately began to be posed about its course. Did the movement have staying power? Was the world witnessing something historic, a regime thought to be impregnable on the verge of collapse? What about the countryside? Was there sufficient antiregime sentiment there or not, or could Cairo and Alexandria do it alone? Further, what if the regime, in an effort to stay in power, made concessions such as a new constitution, real elections, and representative government for the first time—should these be accepted or not? But was it really about reforming the regime or getting rid of it? And of course, there was the military: whose side would it take, and could it be won over to regime change? Last, and not least important, was there a leadership with a program prepared to rule in the name of the movement? Not for the first time were such questions posed, mutatis mutandis, when that far-too-infrequent moment occurred—the masses making history. Nor will it be the last.
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Notes
V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 7 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1977), pp. 199–200.
Orlando Figes, A People’s Tragedy: A History of the Russian Revolution (New York: Viking, 1996), p. 171.
For a general overview of the 1905 Revolution, see Sidney Harcave, First Blood: The Russian Revolution of 1905 (New York: MacMillan, 1964).
As far as I can tell, it was Mary-Alice Waters who first pointed out in print Lenin’s disagreement with Engels in her “The Workers’ and Farmers’ Government: A Popular Revolutionary Dictatorship,” New International 1, no. 3 (1984): 44–45, 54.
In what purports to be a definitive treatment of Lenin’s usage of the phrase, Hal Draper’s The “Dictatorship of the Proletariat” from, Marx to Lenin (New York: Monthly Review, 1987), no mention of his correction to Engels is made.
See Alfred Levin, The Second Duma: A Study of the Social-Democratic Party and the Russian Constitutional Experiment (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940), pp. 7–10, for details.
For corroborating evidence from a fellow Bolshevik about how broadly the “elective principle” was applied in the new setting, see Lars Litis “Fortunes of a Formula: From ‘DEMOCRATIC Centralism to ‘democratic CENTRALISM,’” John Riddell, Marxist Essays and Commentary (blog), April 14, 2013, http://johnriddell.wordpress.com/2013/04/l4/fortunes-of-a-formula-from-democratic-centralism-to-democratic-centralism.
see Robert Service, Lenin: A Political Life, vol. 1 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 149.
For more sources for Lenin’s about-face, see J. L. H. Keep, “Russian Social-Democracy and the First State Duma,” Slavonic & East European Review 34, no. 82 (December 1955): 198n90.
Tony Cliff, Building the Party: Lenin 1893–1914 (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2002), p. 218, says “we” was a minority of one: Lenin.
According to Alan Woods, Bolshevism, the Road to Revolution: A History of the Bolshevik Party from the Early Beginnings to the October Revolution (London: Wellred Publications, 1999), p. 276, the Mensheviks “originally refused to participate in elections, but then changed their position to one of a ‘semi-boycott.’”
For photos of the RSDLP Duma deputies in the First and Second Dumas, see A. J. Sack, The Birth of the Russian Democracy (New York: Russian Information Bureau, 1918), pp. 147–48 and 153–55, respectively.
Geoffrey A. Hosking, The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma, 1907–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p. 19.
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© 2014 August H. Nimtz
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Nimtz, A.H. (2014). “The Dress Rehearsal” and the First Duma. In: Lenin’s Electoral Strategy from Marx and Engels through the Revolution of 1905. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137389961_3
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