Introduction

On the WACL see Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League (New York: Dodd Mead, 1986), and the chapter by Abramovici in this volume.Google Scholar

See for instance Jean-Jacques Becker and Serge Berstein, Histoire de l’anticommunisme en France, 1917–1940, vol. 1 (Paris: Orban, 1987).Google Scholar

See Jessica Gienow-Hecht (ed.), Decentering America (New York: Berghahn Books, 2008);Google Scholar

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On the United States see for instance Michael J. Heale, American Anticommunism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830–1970 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990);Google Scholar

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Richard Aldrich, The Hidden Hand: Britain, America, and Cold War Secret Intelligence (London: John Murray, 2001). For Europe, see for example Becker and Berstein, Histoire de l’anticommunisme en France;Google Scholar

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Alan Moorhead, The Russian Revolution (London: Collins, 1958), pp. 132–4.Google Scholar

See Marina Gorboff, La Russie fantôme. L’émigration russe de 1920 à 1940 (Lausanne: L’Age d’homme, 1995);Google Scholar

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Lodygensky and his circle were somewhat isolated within the francophone region of Switzerland. He was connected to the synodal church in exile in Serbia, renowned for its right-wing, anti-Semitic views, while most of the émigrés in France and Switzerland were related to the church exile in Paris. See Georges Lodygensky’s memoirs: Youri Lodygensky and Michel Caillat (eds), Face au communisme — 1905–1950 — Quand Genève était le centre du mouvement anticommuniste mondial (Geneva: Slatkine, 2009).Google Scholar

Michel Caillat, “L’Entente internationale anticommuniste de Théodore Aubert. Organisation interne, réseaux et action d’une internationale antimarxiste”, PhD dissertation, University of Geneva, 2013;Google Scholar

Michel Caillat et al., “Une source inédite de l’histoire de l’anticommunisme: les archives de l’Entente internationale anticommuniste (EIA) de Théodore Aubert”, Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps présent, 71 (2004), pp. 25–31; Michel Caillat, “L’Entente internationale anticommuniste (EIA). L’impact sur la formation d’un anticommunisme helvétique de l’action internationale d’un groupe de bourgeois genevois”, in Caillat et al. (eds), Histoire(s) de l’anticommunisme en Suisse, pp. 147–63; Michel Caillat, “Théodore Aubert and the Entente internationale anticommuniste: An Unofficial Anti-Marxist International”, Twentieth Century Communism, 6 (forthcoming).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

For a valuable transnational perspective on the interwar period see Stéphanie Roulin, Un credo anticommuniste. La commission Pro Deo de l’Entente internationale anticommuniste, ou la dimension religieuse d’un combat politique (1924–1950) (Lausanne: Antipodes, 2010); Stéphanie Roulin, “A Martyr Factory? Roman Catholic Crusade, Protestant Missions, and Anti-Communist Propaganda against Soviet Anti-Religious Policies (1929–37)”, Twentieth Century Communism, 7 (forthcoming). Moral Rearmament was renamed Initiatives of Change International in 2001. Studies on Moral Rearmament are few;Google Scholar

see Nicolas Walther, “Caux et le Réarmement Moral 1937–1953”, in Hans Ulrich Jost and Stéfanie Prezioso (eds), Relations internationales, échanges culturels et réseaux intellectuels (Lausanne: Antipodes, 2002), pp. 137–50;Google Scholar

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Caroline Thouet, “Le centre de rencontres internationales pour un ‘Réarmement moral et spirituel’ de Caux (Suisse) 1946–1952”, MA thesis, Institut d’études politiques, Toulouse, 2004;Google Scholar

Patrick Bondallaz, “Au nom de la Pureté, de l’Honnêteté et … de l’anticommunisme. Un regard analytique sur la croisade du Réarmement moral au tournant des années soixante”, MA thesis, University of Fribourg, 2009.Google Scholar

Thomas Thorne Jr and David Patterson (eds), Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945–1950: Emergence of the Intelligence Establishment (Washington DC: US Government Printing Office, 1996), pp. 668–72.Google Scholar

Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), p. 26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Scholarship on the National Committee (which changed its name to the Free Europe Committee and continued up to 1972) has largely focused on its most high-profile activity, Radio Free Europe (RFE). A full overview of the Committee’s many activities is still lacking. On RFE see A. Ross Johnson, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty: The CIA Years and Beyond (Stanford University Press, 2010);Google Scholar

Richard H. Cumings, Cold War Radio: The Dangerous History of American Broadcasting in Europe, 1950–1989 (North Carolina: McFarland & Company, 2009);Google Scholar

Arch Puddington, Broadcasting Freedom: The Cold War Triumph of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2000);Google Scholar

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George Urban, Radio Free Europe and the Pursuit of Democracy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997);Google Scholar

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On the Committee’s other activities see Alfred A. Reisch, Hot Books in the Cold War: The CIA-Funded Secret Book Distribution Program behind the Iron Curtain (Budapest: CEU Press, 2013); Giles Scott-Smith, “The Free Europe University in Strasbourg: US State-Private Networks and Academic ‘Rollback’”, Journal of Cold War Studies, 15 (2013);Google Scholar

Richard H. Cumings, Radio Free Europe’s “Crusade for Freedom”: Rallying Americans behind Cold War Broadcasting, 1950–1960 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, 2010); John Foster Leich, “Great Expectations: The National Councils in Exile, 1950–60”, The Polish Review 35 (1990);Google Scholar

John P.C. Matthews, “The West’s Secret Marshall Plan for the Mind”, International Journal of Intelligence and Counter Intelligence 16 (2003), pp. 409–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Ibid.; see also Scott Lucas, Freedom’s War: The American Crusade against the Soviet Union (New York: New York University Press, 1999), pp. 53–73.Google Scholar

For in-depth studies see Helen Laville, Cold War Women: The International Activities of American Women’s Organisations (Manchester University Press, 2002);Google Scholar

Eric Chester, Covert Network: Progressives, the International Rescue Committee, and the CIA (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1995).Google Scholar

For a typical unsubstantiated claim see Gerard Aalders, De Bilderberg Conferenties: Organisatie en werkwijze van een geheim trans-Atlantisch netwerk (Amsterdam: van Praag, 2007), p. 34. Instead, historians of the Bilderberg meetings have turned up no evidence that this was the case.Google Scholar

See Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War: Calling the Tune? (London: Frank Cass, 2003), pp. 249–50.Google Scholar

For recent research on Bilderberg, see Valerie Aubourg, “Organizing Atlanticism: The Bilderberg Group and the Atlantic Institute, 1952–1963”, in Giles Scott-Smith and Hans Krabbendam (eds), The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe 1945–1960 (London: Frank Cass, 2003);Google Scholar

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Thomas Gijswijt, “The Bilderberg Group and the End of the Cold War: The Disengagement Debates of the 1950s”, in Frédéric Bozo et al. (eds), Overcoming the Iron Curtain: Visions of the End of the Cold War in Europe, 1945–1990 (New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2012), pp. 30–43;Google Scholar

Thomas Gijswijt, “Uniting the West: The Bilderberg Group, the Cold War, and European Integration 1952–1966”, PhD dissertation, Heidelberg University, 2007;Google Scholar

Ingeborg Philipsen, “Diplomacy with Ambiguity: The History of the Bilderberg Organisation 1952–1977”, PhD dissertation, Copenhagen University, 2009;Google Scholar

Ingeborg Philipsen, “For Better or for Worse? The Bilderberg Meetings and the Lockheed Affair”, in Giles Scott-Smith and Valérie Aubourg (eds), Atlantic, Euratlantic, or Europe-America: The Atlantic Community and the European Idea from Kennedy to Nixon (Paris: Soleb, 2011), pp. 362–91.Google Scholar

See Giles Scott-Smith, “Not a NATO Responsibility? Psychological Warfare, the Berlin Crisis, and the Formation of Interdoc”, in Wenger, Nuenlist and Locher (eds), Transforming NATO in the Cold War, pp. 31–49; Linda Risso, Propaganda and Intelligence in the Cold War: The NATO Information Service (London: Routledge, 2014).Google Scholar

On Article II see John Milloy, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization 1948– 1957: Community or Alliance? (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006);Google Scholar

Valérie Aubourg, “Creating the Texture of the Atlantic Community: The NATO Information Service, Private Atlantic Networks and the Atlantic Community in the 1950s”, in Valérie Aubourg, Gerard Bossuat and Giles Scott-Smith (eds), European Community, Atlantic Community? (Paris: Soleb, 2008), pp. 390–415.Google Scholar

See also on this point Valerie Aubourg, “The Bilderberg Group: Promoting European Governance inside an Atlantic Community of Values”, in Wolfram Kaiser, Brigitte Leucht and Michael Gehler (eds), Transnational Networks in Regional Integration: Governing Europe 1945–83 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), pp. 38–60.Google Scholar

Note by Georges Albertini, 27 June 1954, 13.6, Albertini papers, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford; Corinna Unger, Ostforschung in Westdeutschland: Die Erforschung des europäischen Ostens unde die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, 1945–1975 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2007);Google Scholar

David Engermann, Know Your Enemy: The Rise and Fall of America’s Soviet Experts (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).Google Scholar

Due to the existing extensive literature on the CCF, it has not been included in this collection. See Peter Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar Europe (New York: Free Press, 1989);Google Scholar

Pierre Grémion, Intelligence de l’Anticommunisme: Le Congrès pour la liberté de la culture à Paris 1950–1975 (Paris: Fayard, 1995);Google Scholar

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Michael Hochgeschwender, “Il fronte culturale della guerra fredda. Il Congresso per la Libertà della Cultura como esperimento di forma di lotta transnazionale”, Ricerche di Storia Politica 6 (2003), pp. 36–60;Google Scholar

Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper? The CIA and the Cultural Cold War (London: Granta, 1999);Google Scholar

Giles Scott-Smith, The Politics of Apolitical Culture: The Congress for Cultural Freedom, the CIA, and Postwar American Hegemony (London: Routledge, 2002). Much of the debate has centred on the extent to which the CCF was orchestrated according to CIA interests, but a new wave of CCF scholarship is beginning to unravel the Congress’s impact in different national and cultural settings.Google Scholar

See for instance Eric Pullin, “‘Money does not make any difference to the opinions we hold’: India, the CIA, and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, 1951–58”, Intelligence and National Security 26 (2011), pp. 377–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

On Albertini see Pierre Rigoulot, Georges Albertini: socialiste, collaborateur, gaulliste (Paris: Perrin, 2012);Google Scholar

Frédéric Charpier, Les valets de la guerre froide: comment la République a recyclé les collabos (Paris: Bourin, 2013).Google Scholar

See Gerhard Wettig, “The Last Soviet Offensive in the Cold War: Emergence and Development of the Campaign against NATO Euromissiles, 1979–1983”, Cold War History 9 (2009), pp. 79–110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

On state-private networks see Helen Laville and Hugh Wilford (eds), The US Government, Citizen Groups and the Cold War: The State-Private Network (London: Routledge, 2006);Google Scholar

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Scott Lucas, “Total Culture and the State-Private Network: A Commentary”, in Jessica Gienow-Hecht and Frank Schumacher (eds), Culture and International History (New York: Berghahn, 2003), pp. 206–14; Scott-Smith and Krabbendam (eds), The Cultural Cold War in Western Europe 1945–1960. Google Scholar

On US philanthropy see Volker R. Berghahn, “A Private-Public Partnership? The Cultural Policies of the US Administrations in Western Europe and the Role of the Big American Foundations”, in Dominik Geppert (ed.), The Postwar Challenge. Cultural, Social and Political Challenge in Western Europe, 1945–1958 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003);Google Scholar

Volker R. Berghahn, America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe: Shepard Stone between Philanthropy, Academy, and Diplomacy (Princeton University Press, 2001);Google Scholar

Inderjeet Parmar, Foundations of the American Century: The Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller Foundations in the Rise of American Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).Google Scholar

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See the pioneering articles by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye, “Transnational Relations and World Politics”, International Organization 25.3 (1971), pp. 329–49, 721–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

A useful overview is Gunilla Budde, Sebastian Conrad and Oliver Janz (eds), Transnationale Geschichte. Themen, Tendenzen und Theorien (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006).Google Scholar

See also the valuable discussions in Akira Iriye, Global and Transnational History: The Past, Present, and Future (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013),Google Scholar

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Robert Frank, “Conclusion”, in Anne Dulphy, Robert Frank and Marie-Anne Matard-Bonucci (eds), Les relations internationales culturelles au XX ^e siècle. De la diplomatie culturelle à l’acculturation (Brussels: Peter Lang, 2010), p. 672 (translation by the authors).Google Scholar

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See Niall Ferguson et al. (eds), The Shock of the Global: The 1970s in Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2011);Google Scholar

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See Sarah Snyder, Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War: A Transnational History of the Helsinki Network (Cambridge University Press, 2011);CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Akira Iriye, Petra Goedde and William Hitchcock (eds), The Human Rights Revolution: An International History (Oxford University Press, 2012);Google Scholar

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See Martin Durham and Margaret Power (eds), New Perspectives on the Transnational Right (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), especially the Foreword by Akira Iriye and Rana Mitter, p. ix: “In contrast to the Left, the Right has not been examined systematically as a transnational movement.”Google Scholar

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Claire Lemercier, “Analyse de réseaux et histoire”, Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 52 (2005), pp. 88–112. For a broad overview of this expanding field, see the sites of the Quantitative History group of the Institut d’histoire moderne et contemporaine (CNRS) (<http://www.quanti.ihmc.ens.fr>) and of the Historical Network Research Group (<http://historicalnetworkresearch.org>). There is still much work to be done in studying the influence and impact of the kinds of transnational sociopolitical networks covered in this volume.Google Scholar

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