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Maoism, Deng Xiaoping, and “Proletarian Internationalism”

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Marxism and the Making of China
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Abstract

By the close of 1978—having been successful in shaping the resolutions of the Third Plenum of the Eleventh Central Committee Congress of the Party—Deng Xiaoping proceeded to revise the economic policies of post-Maoist China by rejecting the prevailing collectivistic model of agricultural development in favor of decollectivization. There was a return to a “family responsibility system,” once again making the family farm the nation’s primary rural productive unit. Together with a return to a more traditional agriculture, there was a restoration of rural markets that increased the profits of individual enterprise. The profits and efficiencies that resulted provided the funding, and freed rural labor, for small scale sideline enterprises. In a short space of time, gross agricultural production doubled, and an increased measure of industrial activity, which served local consumer needs, manifested itself in the rural areas.

In the initial years of the post-Mao era, interpretations of the change of course favored by the successor leadership centered on the question of whether China was going revisionist. As the magnitude of the transformation became more apparent, the focus shifted to the People’s Republic’s abandonment of Marxism.

—Kalpana Misra1

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Notes

  1. Kalpana Misra, From Post-Maoism to Post-Marxism: The Erosion of Official Ideology in Deng’s China (New York: Routledge, 1998), 2–3.

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  3. Marx generally spoke of the asymmetrical relationship between the advanced industrial, and less-developed, regions as “colonial.” The term “imperialism” was introduced later. The definitions of the terms varied—and there is no universally accepted definition for either. For the purposes of the present discussion, both will be understood to refer to an asymmetrical relationship between two political entities that have entered into international connection where one party, employing military and/or economic advantage, profits at the others expense. See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, in Marx and Engels, Collected Works (New York: International Publishers, 1976), vol. 6, 488.

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  17. Over the next two decades, all this was to be standardized among “dependency theorists”; see, for example, Samir Amin, Unequal Development (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979);

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  18. Samir Amini, Accumulation on a World Scale: A Critique of the Theory of Underdevelopment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1974);

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  20. Typical of this kind of association was James O’Connor, an editor of Studies on the Left, who became a major dependency theorist. See his essay, “The Meaning of Economic Imperialism,” reprinted in Rhodes, Imperialism and Underdevelopment, 101–50. A significant number of other authors collected around Monthly Review, which published a considerable amount of literature devoted to the thesis. Paul Baran, who was notable in this connection, was coauthor with Paul Sweezy on Monopoly Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966). Baran’s essay, “On the Political Economy of Backwardness,” reprinted in Rhodes, Imperialism and Underdevelopment, 285–301, was considered seminal in dependency theory literature.

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© 2014 A. James Gregor

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Gregor, A.J. (2014). Maoism, Deng Xiaoping, and “Proletarian Internationalism”. In: Marxism and the Making of China. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137379498_9

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