A. Flather, Gender and Space in Early Modern England (Woodbridge, 2007), 2.
For discussion of their methodology, see L. Stone and J. F. Stone, An Open Elite? England 1540–1880 (Oxford, 1984), Appendix 2, 437–458.
Worsley Classical Architecture in Britain: The Heroic Age (New Haven and London, 1995), 171 and
Reiff, Small Georgian Houses in England and Virginia: Origins and Development through the 1750s (London, 1986), 323, Appendix 2, table 6, contend American houses were larger. The alternate view,
S. G. Hague, ‘Historiography and the Origins of the Gentleman’s House in the British Atlantic World’, in O. Horsfall Turner, (ed.), ‘The Mirror of Great Britain’: National Identity in Seventeenth-Century British Architecture (Reading, 2012), 233–259, table 1, 254.
See, for example, the comparison of double and single-storey entrance halls in Cornforth, Early Georgian Interiors (London and New Haven, 2004), 23–38.
An unusual example is Tazewell Hall in Virginia, see M. Wenger, ‘The Central Passage in Virginia: Evolution of an Eighteenth-Century Living Space’, Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 2 (1986), 137–149, 142–145, especially figure 10.
J. Ayres, Domestic Interiors: The British Tradition 1500–1850 (New Haven and London, 2003), viii;
B. L. Herman, Town House: Architecture and Material Life in the Early American City, 1780–1830 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2005), 39.
Cornforth, Early Georgian Interiors, 3. The compact floor plan has received its fullest treatment in A. H. Gomme and A. Maguire, Design and Plan in the Country House: From Castle Donjons to Palladian Boxes (New Haven and London, 2008). See also
M. Girouard, Life in the English Country House: A Social and Architectural History (New Haven and London, 1978), 150–151; Worsley Classical Architecture in Britain, 10–19, 21–31;
N. Cooper, The Houses of the Gentry: 1480–1680 (New Haven and London, 1999), 244–249;
J. Bold, ‘The Design of a House for a Merchant, 1724’, Architectural History, vol. 33 (1990), 75–82;
P. Smith, ‘Plain English or Anglo-Palladian? Seventeenth-Century Country Villa Plans’, in M. Airs and G. Tyack, (eds), The Renaissance Villa in Britain 1500–1700 (Reading, 2007), 89–110.
A Klein, ‘Politeness and the Interpretation of the British Eighteenth Century’, The Historical Journal, vol. 45, no. 4 (December 2002), 869–898, 887.
E. Chappell, ‘Fieldwork’, in C. Carson and C. R. Lounsbury (eds), The Chesapeake House: Architectural Investigations by Colonia Williamsburg (Chapel Hill, NC, 2013), 29–47, at 38–39.
Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 7. See also Reiff, Small Georgian Houses;
B. B. Mooney Prodigy Houses of Virginia: Architecture and the Native Elite (Charlottesville, VA, 2008).
Hall, ‘Yeoman or Gentleman? Problems in Defining Social status in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Gloucestershire’, Vernacular Architecture, vol. 20 (1991), 2–19, 5, 8. It should be noted that Hall’s sample is not restricted to classical houses. Rooms and room use are also explored in
M. Overton, J. Whittle, D. Dean, and A. Hann, Production and Consumption in English Households, 1600–1750 (London, 2004), chapter 6.
My calculations based on P. Jenkins, The Making of a Ruling Class: The Glamorgan Gentry, 1640–1790 (Cambridge, 1983), Appendices 2 and 3, 292–293.
E. T. Cooperman, ‘Historic Context Statement: Cluster 1: Frankford, Tacony Wissinoming, Brideburg’ (Unpublished report for Preservation Alliance for Greater Philadelphia, July 2009), 10–12.
A. Gomme, ‘Halls into Vestibules’, in M. Airs and G. Tyack, (eds), The Renaissance Villa in Britain 1500–1700 (Reading, 2007), 38–63, quote on 40. Cornforth argues that in larger country houses, the main door was seldom used, with the preference for side entrances. The number of entrances in compact plans tended to be rather smaller, suggesting that this practice was less likely to have been true of gentlemen’s houses. Cornforth, Early Georgian Interiors, 19–20.
A. Vickery Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England (New Haven and London, 2009), 203.
For rooms in Chesapeake houses, see Carson and Lounsbury (eds), Chesapeake House, 132–140, 334–342; Sweeney, ‘High Style Vernacular: Lifestyles of the Colonial Elite’, in C. Carson, R. Hoffman, and P. J. Albert, Of Consuming Interests: The Style of Life in the Eighteenth Century (Charlottesville and London, 1994), 1–58, 18–20; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 118–120.
R. Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982), 75.
R. B. St George, ‘Reading Spaces in Eighteenth-Century New England’, 90–103 and K. Lipsedge, ‘“Enter into thy Closet”: Women, Closet Culture, and the Eighteenth-Century Novel’, 107–122, especially 109–112, in J. Styles and A. Vickery, (eds), Gender, Taste, and Material Culture in Britain and North America 1700–1830 (New Haven and London, 2006); J. Bold, ‘The Design of a House for a Merchant, 1724’, 80; Vickery, An Englishman’s Home Is His Castle?’ 147–173.
Ayres, Building the Georgian City (New Haven and London, 1998), 120.
Weatherill, Consumer Behavior and Material Culture 1660–1760 (London, second edition, 1996), 11–13.
Saumarez Smith, Eighteenth-Century Decoration: Design and the Domestic Interior in England (New York, 1993), plates 37, 73, 76, 81, 89, 90, 105, 106, 133, 137, 138, 157.
J. M. Vlach, Back of the Big House: The Architecture of Plantation Slavery (Chapel Hill, NC and London, 1993), chapter 4.
A. Bantock, The Earlier Smyths of Ashton Court from their Letters 1545–1741 (Bristol, 1982), 256–257.
Whyman, Sociability and Power in Late-Stuart England: The Cultural Worlds of the Verneys 1660–1720 (Oxford, 1999), especially 100–107.
Despite Ian Bristow’s work cited below, paint analysis is lacking for British interiors especially at the level of housing considered here. This is an area where more technical investigation could yield rich research results. See H. Hughes, (ed.), Layers of Understanding: Setting Standards for Architectural Paint Research (London, 2002);
M. A. Jablonski and C. R. Matsen, (eds), Architectural Finishes in the Built Environment (London, 2009).
Ayres, Domestic Interiors, 86–90; C. Gilbert, J. Lomax, and A. Wells-Cole, Country House Floors, 1660–1850 (Leeds, 1987). Leech, ‘Clifton Wood House’, 17.
I. Bristow, Architectural Colour in British Interiors, 1615–1840 (New Haven and London, 1996), 53.
Will of Thomas Goldney II, quoted in P. K. Stembridge, The Goldney Family: A Bristol Merchant Dynasty (Bristol, 1998), 111; UBL/DM1398/A: Copy Inventory of furniture and effects at Goldney House, 1768.
A. Bowett, ‘The Commercial Introduction of Mahogany and the Naval Stores Act of 1721’, Furniture History, vol. 30 (1994), 116–123;
C. Edwards, Eighteenth-Century Furniture (Manchester, 1996), 77–78.
M. Reinberger and E. McLean, ‘Isaac Norris’s Fairhill: Architecture, Landscape and Quaker Ideals in a Philadelphia Colonial Country Seat’, Winterthur Portfolio, vol. 32, no. 4 (Winter 1997), 243–274, 251.
Bristow, Architectural Colour in British Interiors. Descriptions of painting techniques and materials can be found in I. Bristow, Interior House-Painting Colours and Technology, 1615–1840 (New Haven and London, 1996). E. Chappell, ‘Fieldwork’, in Carson and Lounsbury, (eds), Chesapeake House, at 40, and chapter 15 in the same.
W. Salmon, Palladio Londinensis (London, 1734), 57–58. Prices ranged from ‘best white lead’ at 4d. per pound to 2s. 6d. per pound for ‘fine deep green’. Paint costs drawn from surviving accounts can be found in Bristow, Architectural Colour in British Interiors, 35, and Interior House-Painting Colours and Technology, Appendix A.
L. C. Keim, ‘Stenton Room Furnishings Study’ (MS report, 2010, on file at Stenton); M. Mosca, ‘Stenton Paint Analysis’ (Unpublished report, 2000, on file at Stenton); J. G. Volk, (ed.), The Warner House: A Rich and Colorful History (Portsmouth, NH, 2006), chapter 2, figure 2.7.
W. Graham, ‘Architectural Paint Research at American Museums: An Appeal for Standards’, in Jablonski and Matsen, (eds), Architectural Finishes in the Built Environment (London, 2009), 3–18.
E. S. Cooke, Jr, (ed.), Upholstery in America and Europe from the Seventeenth Century to World War I (New York and London, 1987);
P. Thornton, Authentic Décor: The Domestic Interior, 1660–1920 (New York, 1984), especially 57 and 100 for window curtains.
F. Montgomery, Textiles in America 1650–1840 (New York, 1984) has much to say of relevance to England.
GA/D45/F2: Inventory and valuation of goods of Richard Whitmore of Lower Slaughter, 31 January 1687/1688; For slips, see M. M. Brooks, English Embroideries of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries in the Collection of the Ashmolean Museum (London, 2004), 94.
G. Beard, Upholsterers and Interior Furnishings in England 1530–1840 (New Haven and London, 1997).
G. Saunders, Wallpaper in Interior Decoration (London, 2002);
Hoskins, (ed.), The Papered Wall: History, Pattern, Technique (New York, 1994, also new and expanded edition, 2005), especially chapters 2, 3, and 7;
R. C. Nylander, Wallpapers for Historic Buildings (Washington, DC, second edition, 1992); Ayres, Domestic Interiors, 160–162. Ayres comments that taxation may have resulted in high cost hence low use of wallpaper, 160; Vickery Behind Closed Doors, chapter 6, suggests that Ayres has ollered ‘too pessimistic an assessment of the dissemination of paper’, 168, fn 5. The accounts on which her chapter is based, however, are from 1797 to 1808, by which time wallpaper was much more commonly available. C. Taylor, ‘“Figured Paper lor Hanging Rooms”: The Manufacture, Design and Consumption of Wallpapers lor English Domestic Interiors, c. 1740 to c. 1800’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, The Open University, 2010).
One house in Gloucestershire, Berkeley House, had hand-painted Chinese-style wallpaper dating from 1740–1760, which is now housed in the Victoria and Albert Museum. This remarkable survival demonstrates that at least some wealthy merchants had access to this form of adornment, although it may have been comparatively unusual. G. Saunders, ‘The China Trade: Oriental Painted Panels’, in L. Hoskins, (ed.), The Papered Wall: History, Pattern, Technique (London, new and revised edition, 2005), 42–55, who dates the paper to c. 1740, see 55. Images of England 128159 and Victoria and Albert Museum No W.93–1924 Berkeley House.
J. Anderson, Glorious Splendor: The 18th-century Wallpapers in the Jeremiah Lee Mansion (Virginia Beach, VA, 2011).
E. C. Carter, (ed.), The Virginia Journals of Benjamin Henry Latrobe, 1795–1798, 2 vols (New Haven, 1977), vol. 1, 75–76.
G. Priest, The Paty Family: Makers of Eighteenth-Century Bristol (Bristol, 2003), 51–60; BRO/09467/12/a: ‘Notes and Receipts for House Building at Chiton 1746–47–48–49 + 1750 + c’;
A. Gomme, M. Jenner, and B. Little, Bristol: An Architectural History (London, 1979), 174;
Mowl, To Build the Second City: Architects and Craftsmen of Georgian Bristol (Bristol, 1991), 64 fn 10, 71–73, cautions against the Stocking attribution at Royal Fort.