Abstract
Edmund Burke referred to “the Great Map of Mankind” that is “unrolld” for the gaze of contemporaries, not in the least thanks to Robertson’s employment of “Philosophy to judge on Manners,” in a now famous letter of compliment to Robertson upon the publication of his History of America in 1777.1 While Burke combined this remark with the observation that “[w]e no longer need to go to History to trace [human nature] in all its stages and periods” (perhaps found not so congenial by the addressee of his praises), it illustrates well the contemporary understanding of the distinctiveness of Robertson’s combination of historical narrative with theoretical reflection. In recent literature, Burke’s eulogy of Robertson has been cited with such frequency that highlighting it here may risk both being impolite and eliciting boredom. There are still several reasons why it is not entirely awkward to start this chapter by referring to it.
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Notes
For an assessment of the significance of the two books in this sense, see Karen O’Brien, Narratives of Enlightenment: Cosmopolitan History from Voltaire to Gibbon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 156–65.
Cf. above, 28; Geoff Grundy, The Emulation of Nations: William Robertson and the International Order (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 2005), 272–6.
Cf. Troy Bickham, Savages within the Empire: Representations of American Indians in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005), ch. 5, especially pp. 195–8.
The name of the Jesuit Raynal provided a cover for this undertaking of a host of iconoclastic authors in order to protect them from harassment by the authorities. Diderot’s contributions are estimated at c. 700 pages in the ten-volume 1780 edition. First published in 1772 (with an imprint of 1770), one of the most popular “forbidden bestsellers” of the eighteenth century went through more than thirty editions by 1787. Robert Darnton, The Forbidden Best-Sellers of Pre-Revolutionary France (New York: Norton, 1996), 22–3. The literature on the Histoire des deux Indes is immense.
See Gabriel Esquer, L’Anticolonialisme au XVIIIesiècle: Histoire philosophique et politique des établissements et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1951)
Michèle Duchet, Diderot et l’Histoire des deux Indes: ou, L’écriture fragmentaire (Paris: A. G. Nizet, 1978)
Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink and Anthony Strugnell, L’Histoire des deux Indes: réécriture et polygraphie (Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1995)
Sankar Muthu, Enlightenment against Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), ch. 3
J.G.A. Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, vol. IV: Barbarians, Savages and Empires (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), ch. 4.
The “four stages,” while present in eighteenth-century language, are better understood as a loose heuristic scheme—not necessarily rigidly applied, and always presenting challenges of interpretation for those who attempted to apply it (including Robertson)—than the “system” which Ronald Meek’s pathbreaking Social Science and the Ignoble Savage proposed it to be. For a recent, detailed treatment of the subject, including a critique of Meek, see Thomas Nutz, Varietäten des Menschengeschlechts. Die Wissenschaften vom menschen in der Zeit der Aufklärung (Cologne: Böhlau, 2009), ch. 3.
William Robertson, The History of America (London: Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1996), I: 2–3.
Ibid., I: 8, 12–13. Cf. 20 ff., 40 ff.; and William Robertson, An Historical Disquisition Concerning the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India; and the Progress of Trade with that Country prior to the Discovery of the Passage to it by the Cape of Good Hope (London: Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1996), 6, 30 ff., 152 ff.
On the sixteenth-century history of the company, see Douglas R. Bisson, The Merchant Adventurers of England: The Company and the Crown, 1474–1564 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993).
See Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001).
Ibid., II: 49–50. While devoted to the study of Robertson’s Spanish sources, Lenman, “‘From Savage to Scot’ via the French and the Spaniards: Principal Robertson’s Spanish sources,” in William Robertson and the Expansion of Empire, ed. Brown, emphasizes the centrality of the stadial scheme to the History of America. See also E. Adamson Hoebel, “William Robertson: An 18th Century Anthropological Historian,” American Anthropologist 62 (1960): 648–55
Stuart J. Brown, “An Eighteenth-Century Historian on the Amerindians: Culture, Colonialism and Christianity in William Robertson’s History of America,” Studies in World Christianity 2 (1996): 204–22.
In his Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière (1749–1788, in 36 vols.), GeorgesLouis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon placed man in the center of his zoological investigations, radically historicizing the notion of race by attributing all diversity within the unitary human species to the variability of climatic and geographical circumstances (adversely affecting the development of animate organisms in the Americas). In the Dutch philosopher Cornelius de Pauw’s Recherches philosophiques sur les Américains (1771) this perspective was flatly converted into an argument about the inferiority of native Americans. The topic is discussed extensively in Antonello Gerbi, The Dispute of the New World: The History of a Polemic 1750–1900 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973)
Roxann Wheeler, The Complexion of Race: Categories of Difference in Eighteenth-Century British Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000).
For echoes in the Scottish Enlightenment, see Robert Wokler, “Apes and Races in the Scottish Enlightenment: Monboddo and Kames on the Nature of Man,” in Philosophy and Science in the Scottish Enlightenment, ed. Peter Jones (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1988), 145–68
Silvia Sebastiani, “Race and National Character in Eighteenth-Century Scotland: The Polygenetic Discourses of Kames and Pinkerton,” Studi settecenteschi 21 (2001): 265–81
Silvia Sebastiani, I limiti del progresso. Razza e genere nell’Illuminismo scozzese (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2008), rev. Eng. ed., The Scottish Enlightenment: Race, Gender and the Limits of Progress (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). For Robertson’s reliance on Buffon, see Robertson, History of America, II: 19 ff.
Pocock, Barbarism and Religion, IV: 202. Cf. Christopher J. Berry, Social Theory of the Scottish Enlightenment (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997), 96. Similarly, narrative altogether has been claimed to “serve to confuse, correct or overturn the supposed verities, or perhaps simplicities, of the stadial exposition.” Neal Hargraves, “Enterprise, Adventure and Industry: The Formation of ‘Commercial Character’ in William Robertson’s History of America,” History of European Ideas 29 (2003): 36–7
Hargraves, “Beyond the Savage Character: Mexicans, Peruvians, and the ‘Imperfectly Civilized’ in William Robertson’s History of America,” in The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, ed. Larry Wolff and Marco Cipollini (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007), 114.
Alexander du Toit, “Who Are the Barbarians? Scottish Views of Conquest and Indians, and Robertson’s History of America,” Scottish Literary Journal 26/1 (1999): 34–5.
It has been suggested that the criticism Robertson received for the negative portrayal of “savagery” (implicitly serving as an excuse for European cruelty) and the dismissive treatment of American cultures in the History of America played a part in his adopting an empathetic stance in the Historical Disquisition. In this, he relied heavily on early British “orientalist” scholars, but went further than most of them in his positive view on Indian culture and in his opposition to an interventionist imperial policy. Stuart J. Brown, “William Robertson, Early Orientalism and the Historical Disquisition on India of 1791,” The Scottish Historical Review 88/2 (2009): 299–300.
Cf. Jane Rendall, “Scottish Orientalism: From Robertson to James Mill,” The Historical Journal 25/1 (1982): 43–69
Michael S. Dodson, Orientalism, Empire and National Culture: India, 1770–1880 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 1–6.
On this work, see Giovanna Ceserani, “Narrative, Interpretation, and Plagiarism in Mr. Robertson’s 1778 History of Ancient Greece,” Journal of the History of Ideas 66/3 (2005): 413–36.
See Dalphy I. Fagerstrom, “Scottish Opinion and the American Revolution,” William and Mary Quarterly 11 (1954): 216, 264 ff.
Richard B. Sher, Church and University in the Scottish Enlightenment: The Moderate Literati of Edinburgh (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 263, 270, 275
and Jeffrey Smitten, “Moderatism and History: William Robertson’s Unfinished History of British America,” in Scotland and America in the Age of Enlightenment, ed. Richard B. Sher and Jeffrey R. Smitten (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990), 163–79.
Horst Dippel, Germany and the American Revolution 1770–1800 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1978), 13.
On Behaim and the half-mythical and legendary character he assumed in later speculations, see Peter J. Bräunlein, Martin Behaim. Legende und Wirklichkeit eines berühmten Nürnbergers (Bamberg: Bayerische Verlagsanstalt, 1992), esp. 15–67.
Quoted in Michael E. Hoare, “Preface,” in The Resolution Journal of Johann Reinhold Forster 1772–1775 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1982), I: ix.
On Forster in general see the Introduction in the same edition of his Journal, and Michael E. Hoare, The Tactless Philosopher: Johann Reinhold Forster 1729–1798 (Melbourne: Hawthorn Press, 1976).
Johann Reinhold Forster, Beobachtungen während der Cookschen Weltumseglung 1772–1775 (Stuttgart: Brockhaus Antiquarium, 1981), 254–531. Cf. the English edition, Observations Made during a Voyage round the World, ed. Nicholas Thomas, Harriet Guest, and Michael Dettelbach (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1996), 191–357. See also the lengthy passages on comparative ethnology in the Resolution Journal, esp. III: 392–405.
See Colin Kidd, “Teutonist Ethnology and Scottish National Inhibition, 1780–1880,” The Scottish Historical Review 74 (1995): 45–68.
Heeren, Handbuch der Geschichte des Europäischen Staatensystems und seiner Colonien, von der Entdeckung beyder Indien bis zur Errichtung des Französischer Kayserthrons (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1809). For a penetrating study of Heeren’s scholarship and achievement, see Christoph Becker-Schaum, Arnold Herrmann Ludwig Heeren. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Geschichtswissenschaft zwischen Aufklärung und Historismus (Bern: Peter Lang, 1993).
See also Horst Walter Blanke, “Zwischen Aufklärung und Historismus: A.H.L. Heerens ‘Geschichte des Europäischen Staatensystems,’” in Aufklärung und Historik. Aufsätze zur Entwicklung der Geschichtswissenschaft, Kirchengeschichte und Geschichtstheorie in der deutschen Aufklärung, ed. Horst Walter Blanke and Dirk Fleischer (Waltrop: Hartmut Spenner, 1991), 202–26.
Heeren was also Georg Forster’s brother-in-law. Their India-related publications in the early 1790s (together with the announcement by both of them of books in the field never to be written) were suggested to have been elements of emulation between them for the reputation as India-experts. See Christoph BeckerSchaum, “Die Beziehungen zwischen Georg Forster und Arnold Heeren und ihr Niederschlag in Heerens Werk,” Georg-Forster-Studien 12 (2007): 211–29.
Forster’s centrality to the eighteenth-century universe of participating in and reporting on travel is a prominent theme in Harry Liebersohn, The Traveler’s World: Europe to the Pacific (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006)
Ludwig Uhlig, Georg Forster. Lebensabenteuer eines gelehrten Weltbürgers (1754–1794) (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004), 282.
For a contextualization of Forster’s relevant ideas against the background of the late eighteenth-century German confrontation with the problem of European expansion and encounter with human diversity, see John K. Noyes, “Commerce, Colonialism, and the Globalization of Action in Late Enlightenment Germany,” Postcolonial Studies 9/1 (2006): 81–98; John Gascoigne, “The German Enlightenment and the Pacific,” in The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, ed. Wolff and Cipollini, 141–71.
Georg Forster, James Cook, der Entdecker und Fragmente über Captain Cooks letzte Reise und sein Ende, ed. Frank Vorpahl (Berlin: Eichborn, 2008), 24.
Raymond Schwab, The Oriental Renaissance: Europe’s Rediscovery of India and the East, 1660–1860 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 7–8.
See Jörg Esleben, “‘Indisch lesen’: Conceptions of Intercultural Communication in Georg Forster’s and Johann Gottfried Herder’s Reception of Kälidäsa’s ‘Śakuntalä,’” Monatshefte 95/2 (2003): 217–29; Nicholas A. Germana, “Herder’s India: The ‘Morgenland’ in Mythology and Anthropology,” in The Anthropology of the Enlightenment, ed. Wolff and Cipollini, 119–37
Germana, The Orient of Europe: The Mythical Image of India and Competing Images of German National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009), ch. 1.
The literature on Forster is very extensive. In earlier scholarship, he was mainly appreciated as a dominant figure in the revolution of the Rhineland after the French invasion of 1792 and as a deputy to the French Convent—in other words as a leading German “Jacobin.” Recently there has been more emphasis on his character as a “philosophical traveler,” his intellectual achievement and his exchanges with dominant figures of contemporary German thought— Kant, Herder, Goethe, Wilhelm von Humboldt. See especially Ludwig Uhlig, Georg Forster: Einheit und Mannigfaltigkeit in seiner geistigen Welt (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1965)
Detlef Rasmussen, ed., Weltumsegler und seine Freunde. Georg Forster als gesellschaftlicher Schriftsteller der Goethezeit (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1988); for a recent biography, see Uhlig, Georg Forster. Lebensabenteuer; all the diverse pursuits of Forster are set in a comparative context in the valuable studies in Georg Forster in interdisziplinären Perspektive, ed. Claus-Volker Klenke, Jörn Garber, and Dieter Heintze (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1994). A series, Georg-Forster-Studien (fifteen volumes and several special issues to date, edited by Horst Dippel and Helmut Scheuer) is published by the Georg-Forster-Gesellschaft with Kassel U. P.
Cf. David Armitage, “The New World and British Historical Thought: From Richard Hakluyt to William Robertson,” in America in European Consciousness, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 68–70; Brown, “An Eighteenth-Century Historian on the Amerindians.”
Cf. Paul Hazard, La crise de la conscience européenne (Paris: Boivin, 1935), Eng. ed. The European Mind 1680–1715 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973).
Hans Erich Bödeker, “‘l’instrument de la Révolution et en même temps son âme’: ‘L’opinion publique’ chez Georg Forster,” European Review of History/Revue européenne d’histoire 13/3 (2006): 373–83.
For a fuller treatment of this essay by Forster, see Joseph Gomsu, “Über lokale und allgemeine Bildung,” in Georg-Forster-Studien 11/1 (2006): 323–34.
Christoph Meiners (1747–1810) was, precisely on account his racism, the most controversial figure of the famous Göttingen historical school in the later eighteenth century. Forster was not the only one to polemicize with the views expressed in his ethnographically and anthropologically informed works of cultural history whose topics ranged from general “histories of mankind” through the history of women and the history of constitutions, learning and language (mostly their decline), and luxury in the states of classical antiquity, to comparative studies of “manners, constitutions, laws, crafts, commerce, religion, learning and education in the Middle Ages and in our times.” See Lotter, “Meiners und die Lehre”; Susanne Zantop, Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family and Nation in Precolonial Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), 66–97; Martin Gierl, “Christoph Meiners, Geschichte der Menschheit und Göttinger Universalgeschichte. Rasse und Nation als Politisierung der deutschen Aufklärung,” in Die Wissenschaft von Menschen, ed. Bödeker, Büttgen, and Espagne, 419–33; Carhart, The Science of Culture, chs. 6–8.
On the Meiners-Forster debate, see further Luigi Marino, Praeceptores Germaniae. Göttingen 1770–1820 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 110–20.
Importantly, however, the contrasting positions of the philosophical traveler and the sedentary scholar were already inherent in Forster’s and Meiners’s age, and soon became the object of an interesting debate between Georges Cuvier and Alexander von Humboldt: according to the former, the expeditionary scientist passed too quickly over a terrain to provide reliable testimony, and it is only the “bench-tied naturalist” who can calmly spread out species and specimens and reorder them into taxonomic clusters never visible in the field. See Dorinda Outram, “New Spaces in Natural History,” in Cultures of Natural History, ed. Nicholas Jardine, James Secord, and Emma C. Spary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 249–65
Outram, “On Being Perseus: New Knowledge, Dislocation, and Enlightenment Exploration,” in Geography and Enlightenment, ed. Donald N. Livingstone and Charles W. J. Withers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 281–94. Robertson, of course, was a sedentary scholar too who has been shown to have made strenuous efforts to obtain primary evidence from “the field” but preferred to these the frameworks he developed on the basis of the narrative sources he perused.
Duckworth, “An Eighteenth-Century Questionnaire.” For a discussion of Forster and Meiners in these terms, see Michael Carhart, “Polynesia and Polygenism: The Scientific Use of Travel Literature in the Early 19th Century,” History of the Human Sciences 22/2 (2009): 58–86.
See Jörn Garber, Wahrnehmung-Konstruktion-Text. Bilder des Wirklichen im Werk Georg Forsters (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2000), 4–6, 12–16, 203–5.
On the ethnological approach of the Forsters, see Hans Erich Bödeker, “Aufklärerische ethnologische Praxis: Johann Reinhold Forster und Georg Forster,” in Wissenschaft als kulturelle Praxis 1750–1900, ed. Hans Erich Bödeker, Peter Hanns Reill, and Jürgen Schlumbohm (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999), 227–53
Bödeker, “Die ‘Natur des Menschen so viel möglich in mehreres Licht … setzen.’ Ethnologische Praxis bei Johann Reinhold und Georg Forster,” in Natur-Mensch-Kultur. Georg Forster im Wissenschaftsfeld seiner Zeit, ed. Jörn Garber and Tanja van Hoorn (Hannover: Wehrhahn, 2006), 143–70.
See, among others, Robert Bernasconi, “Who Invented the Concept of Race: Kant’s Role in the Enlightenment Construction of Race,” in Race, ed. Robert Bernasconi (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 11–36
Bernasconi, “Kant as an Unfamiliar Source of Racism,” in Philosophers on Race, ed. T. Lott and J. Ward (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 145–66; Muthu, Enlightenment Against Empire, ch. 4
Pauline Kleingeld, “Kant’s Second Thoughts on Race,” The Philosophical Quarterly 57/229 (October 2007), 573–92
Mark Larrimore, “Antinomies of Race: Diversity and Destiny in Kant,” Patterns of Prejudice 42/4–5 (2008): 341–63
Irene Tucker, The Moment of Racial Sight: A History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), ch. 1
Pauline Kleingeld, Kant and Cosmopolitanism: The Philosophical Ideal of World Citizenship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), ch. 4 on the debate with Forster.
Immanuel Kant, “Bestimmung des Begriffs einer Menschenrace,” in Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Königliche Preußische (Deutsche) Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. VIII: Abhandlungen nach 1780 (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1912), 91. In developing his system of philosophical anthropology, Kant virtually ignored a sizeable body of recent literature on ethnography/Völkerkunde and ethnology/Volkskunde in Germany (especially at the University of Göttingen) and Austria-Hungary.
Han T. Vermeulen, “The German Invention of Völkerkunde: Ethnological Discourse in Europe and Asia, 1740–1798,” in The German Invention of Race, ed. Sara Eigen and Mark Larrimore (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), 136–7.
Sonia Sikka, Herder on Humanity and Cultural Difference: Enlightened Relativism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), especially 26 ff., 47 ff., 143 ff.
John Zammito, Kant, Herder, and the Birth of Anthropology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 333–4
Frederick C. Beiser, The German Historicist Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 104.
John Zammito, “Policing Polygeneticism in Germany, 1775. (Kames), Kant, and Blumenbach,” in The German Invention of Race, ed. Eigen and Larrimore, 38 ff. The conflict between Meiners and Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, who took a position similar to Forster’s in the later debate, may similarly be traced back to the time of Blumenbach’s famous dissertation “On the Natural Variety of Mankind” (1775), when Meiners himself started to publish essays on ethnographic subjects. Ibid., 44–5; and Frank Doughterty, “Christoph Meiners und Johann Friedrich Blumenbach im Streit um den Begriff der Menschenrasse,” in Die Natur des Menschen: Probleme der Physischen Anthropologie und Rassenkunde (1750–1850), Soemmering Forschungen VI, ed. Günter Mann and Franz Dumont (Stuttgart: Gustav Fischer, 1990), 89–111.
This term was not consistently used to denote the theory that mankind takes its origins from several pairs of ancestors created by God through multiple separate acts until after it appeared as a counterpart of “monogenism/monogenist” in the work of the Philadelphia school of anthropology in 1857. However, the idea itself had been in currency since at least Isaac la Peyrère’s Pre-Adamitae (1655), with sixteenth-century antecedents including the work of Paracelsus, Walter Raleigh, and Giordano Bruno. Claude Blanckaert, “Monogénisme et polygénisme,” in Dictionnaire du darwinisme et de l’évolution, ed. Patrick Tort (Paris: PUF, 1996) II: 321–37; Sebastiani, “Race and National Characters.”
To be sure, in cases in which this approach was combined with a thesis of degeneracy, as it did in Buffon, it was still capable of supporting a theory of racial superiority/inferiority. See Phillip R. Sloan, “The Idea of Racial Degeneracy in Buffon’s Histoire Naturelle,” in Racism in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Harold E. Pagliaro (Cleveland: Case Western Reserve University Press, 1973), 293–321.
Ibid., 141–2. Cf. Takahashi Mori, “Zwischen Mensch und Affe. Anthropologische Aspekte in Forsters Reise um die Welt,” Georg Forster Studien 10/2 (2006): 359–72.
For an interesting discussion of this amalgamation and its relevance to Forster’s method, demonstrated on a circumscribed subject, see Manuela Ribeiro Sanches, “Dunkelheit und Aufklärung-Rasse und Kultur. Erfahrung und Macht in Forsters Auseinandersetzungen mit Kant und Meiners,” Georg Forster Studien 8 (2003): 53–82.
Ludwig Uhlig, “Theoretical or Conjectural History. Georg Forsters Voyage Round the World im Zeitgenössischen Kontext,” Germanisch-Romantische Monatsschrift 53 (2003): 399–414; Uhlig, Georg Forster, 85–95; Meyer, “Von der ‘Science of Man’ zur ‘Naturgeschichte der Menschheit,’” 35 ff.
Similarly, and quite astonishingly, Robertson’s name is not even mentioned in most of the Forsteriana addressing “translation as intercultural communication,” “processes of civilization and global commerce,” or “Forster and India.” Cf. Jörg Esleben, “Übersetzung als interkulturelle Kommunikation bei Georg Forster,” Georg Forster Studien 9 (2004): 165–80
Ruth Stummann-Bowert, “Zivilisationsprozesse und Welthandel bei Georg Forster,” Georg Forster Studien 10/1 (2006): 147–75
Jörg Esleben, “Forster und Indien,” Georg Forster Studien 10/2 (2006): 407–26.
For an exception, see Katsami Funakoshi, “Dupaty’s Reisebeschreibung und Forsters Ansichten vom Niederrhein,” Georg Forster Studien 10/2 (2006): 427–42.
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Kontler, L. (2014). Maps of Mankind. In: Translations, Histories, Enlightenments. Palgrave Studies in Cultural and Intellectual History. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137371720_6
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