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Politics, Literature, and Science: William Robertson and Historical Discourses in Eighteenth-Century Scotland and Germany

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Translations, Histories, Enlightenments
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Abstract

As proposed at the end of the Introduction, before any attempt to analyze the German reception of Robertson’s individual texts, it is indispensable to take a more general look at the various modes in which history was engaged in Robertson’s Scottish environment and in which it was practiced in contemporary Germany. It is from a comparative assessment of such variables that one might expect to arrive at the understanding of an apparent paradox. The German reception of Robertson, in regard to both its extent and immediacy— the volume of translations, of critical response, and reference—was, if anything, avid. Each of the four great histories appeared in, and was borrowed from, important academic libraries in Germany within a few months of publication. Each of them were equally promptly reviewed in German periodicals, and became swiftly translated into German, occasionally by several different hands simultaneously, and were republished and reedited in new versions over a period of several decades. The intensity of reception apparently contradicts the fact that it would be difficult to claim for Robertson a dramatic influence on the character of contemporary German historiography. This contradiction, however, makes the history of reception no less instructive.

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Notes

  1. The classic statements on Machiavelli and Guicciardini as “philosophical historians” are by Felix Gilbert, Machiavelli and Guicciardini: Politics and History in Sixteenth-Century Florence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965)

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  42. The standard account of the conflicting historical identity discourses in postUnion Scotland is Colin Kidd, Subverting Scotland’s Past: Scottish Whig Historians and the Creation of an Anglo-British Identity, 1689–c. 1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).

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  48. Hargraves, “Enterprise, Adventure and Industry: The Formation of ‘Commercial Character’ in William Robertson’s History of America,” History of European Ideas 29 (2003): 33–54

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  50. Phillipson, “Providence and Progress,” esp. 68 ff.; see also in greater detail below in chapter 2. Besides providentialism, but closely related to the paradigm of stadialism, the centrality of “unintended consequences” to Robertson’s causal explanations has been argued in Daniele Francesconi, “William Robertson on Historical Causation and Unintended Consequences,” Storia della Storiografia 36 (1999): 55–80.

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  55. Cf. Troy Bickham, Savages within the Empire: Representations of American Indians in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2005), ch. 5, especially pp. 195–8.

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  56. While the Judicial Plan of 1772, which decided that India would be governed by Indian (not British) law, made it imperative for British East India Company officials to understand Indian law and the cultural traditions behind it, and triggered a remarkable range of relevant scholarship by a group of British “orientalists,” Hastings and his circle went too far in portraying themselves as “the inheritors of the Indian polity as refounded by Emperor Akbar” in the sixteenth century. For the relevance of these developments to Robertson’s work, see Stuart J. Brown, “William Robertson, Early Orientalism and the Historical Disquisition on India of 1791,” The Scottish Historical Review 88/2 (2009): 296.

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  57. For the background: Peter J. Marshall, The British Discovery of Hinduism in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 1–44

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  59. Jeffrey Smitten, “Impartiality in Robertson’s History of America,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 19 (1985): 56–77. It must be added that his own contemporaries appreciated Robertson’s impartiality in a less sophisticated sense, one in which Hume’s version of it was conceived. “[Y]ou have shewn that you can write on ticklish subjects with the utmost discretion, and on subjects of religious party with temper and impartiality,” wrote Horace Walpole upon reading the History of Scotland. Quoting Walpole, while also expressing his own admiration, Dugald Stewart somewhat toned it down with a simple explanation: “at this distance of time, it is difficult to conceive how prejudice and passion should enter into the discussion.” Dugald Stewart, Biographical Memoirs of Adam Smith, L.L.D., of William Robertson, D.D, and of Thomas Reid, D.D. (Edinburgh: George Ramsay, 1811) 183, 195.

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  62. Locke’s claim that “in the beginning all the World was America” is sometimes quoted to demonstrate the propensity inherent in seventeenth-century natural law to think in stadial terms, but the most articulate early statement of the “stages” theory (and the one that is regarded to have had the strongest impact on eighteenth-century social science) is associated with Pufendorf. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Pater Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 301; Hont, “The Language of Sociability and Commerce.”

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© 2014 László Kontler

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Kontler, L. (2014). Politics, Literature, and Science: William Robertson and Historical Discourses in Eighteenth-Century Scotland and Germany. In: Translations, Histories, Enlightenments. Palgrave Studies in Cultural and Intellectual History. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137371720_2

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