Abstract
Catholicism in the early modern British Atlantic has drawn far less scholarly interest that Puritanism, especially outside England and, for obvious reasons, Ireland. In a number of ways, this occlusion is problematic, but is the product of several factors. This includes the rhetoric of seventeenth-century British politics and the recent historiography which has been optimised by Linda Colley’s well-articulated argument that, by the end of the eighteenth century, Britain’s constituent populations had developed a united identity based on a shared Protestant ideology.1 While not wholly new, Colley’s approach seemingly surprised historians in the early 1990s by arguing that religion did indeed have a prominent role in the formation of Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Subsequently Carla Pestana applied this paradigm to the expansion of British influence into the Atlantic world in the seventeenth century, arguing that by ‘only weakly establishing the Church of England, [the English] oversaw an increasingly diverse religious landscape. Yet [they] … established a broadly shared culture that united believers from different Protestant churches (and different ethnic and racial backgrounds) into a common Anglophone spiritual orientation’.2 So even while the policy of a state church that extended into its colonies failed, the English government managed to corral illicit Protestant communities into advancing the state’s cause.
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Notes
Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven, CT, 1992).
Carla Pestana, Protestant Empire: Religion and the Making of the British Atlantic World (University Park, PA, 2009), p. 6.
Aubrey Gwynn, ‘Early Irish Emigration to the West Indies (1612–1643)’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review (1929), pp. 377–393.
John LaFarge, ‘The Survival of the Catholic Faith in Southern Maryland’, The Catholic Historical Review 21 (1935), pp. 1–20.
R. J. Lahey, ‘The Role of Religion in Lord Baltimore’s Colonial Enterprise,’ Maryland Historical Magazine 72 (1977).
John D. Krugler, ‘Lord Baltimore, Roman Catholics, and Toleration: Religious Policy in Maryland during the Early Catholic Years, 1634–1649’, Catholic Historical Review 65 (1979), pp. 49–75.
Gerald P. Fogarty, ‘Property and Religious Liberty in Colonial Maryland Catholic Thought’, Catholic Historical Review 72 (1986), pp. 573–600.
John D. Krugler, English and Catholic: The Lords Baltimore in the Seventeenth Century (Baltimore, MD, 2010).
Jenny Shaw, ‘Island Purgatory: Irish Catholics and the Reconfiguring of the English Caribbean, 1650–1700’ (unpublished PhD thesis, New York University, 2008); Shona Helen Johnston, ‘Papists in a Protestant World: The Catholic Anglo-Atlantic in the Seventeenth Century’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Georgetown University, 2011).
Kristen Block and Jenny Shaw, ‘Subjects without an Empire: The Irish in a Changing Caribbean’, Past and Present 210 (2011), pp. 33–60.
Jenny Shaw, Everyday Life in the Early English Caribbean: Irish, Africans, and the Construction of Difference (Athens, GA, 2013).
Robert Emmett Curran, Papist Devils: Catholics in British America (Washington, DC, 2014).
C. W. Russell and John P. Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland of the Reign of James I. 1611–1614 (London, 1877), p. 474. Kristen Block and Jenny Shaw have described the Irish in the English Atlantic as in a ‘liminal’ space, in reference to being between the English and Spanish Empires, and therefore unable to become ‘equal partners’ in any European colonial expansion (Block and Shaw, ‘Subjects without an empire’, p. 34). While using a similar terminology, this chapter stresses that Catholics more broadly inhabited a liminal space being subject to the English crown and serving as an important vanguard for colonial expansion, while at the same time facing marginalisation, and potentially dispossession, for their Catholic faith. This did not, however, mean Catholics were wholly disempowered in their colonial contexts.
Christopher Steed and Bengt Sundkler, A History of the Church in Africa (Oxford, 2000), p. 52.
James Muldoon, The Americas in the Spanish World Order: The Justification for Conquest in the Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia, PA, 1994).
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Ronnie Pochia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge, 2005), discusses the differences between the early modern Italian experience encouraging charity and the Spanish experience of re-conquest of the Iberian peninsula underpinning a more militaristic interpretation of Spanish Catholicism (pp. 43–81). For an interesting counter-discussion focusing on the legacy of the Catholic faith as a triumph of Spanish imperial expansion in the face of the ‘black legend’, see Luis N. Rivera, A Violent Evangelism: The Political and Religious Conquest of the Americas (Louisville, KY, 1992).
Patrick W. Carey, Catholics in America: A History (Westport, CT, 2004), p. 10.
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Bond, Damned Souls, p. 139. For the statute see William Waller Hening, The Statutes at Large: Being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia (Richmond, VA, New York, NY and Philadelphia, PA, 1809–1823), i. 268–9; Curran, Catholics in Colonial Law, pp. 21–2.
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J. R. V. Johnston, ‘The Stapleton Sugar Plantations in the Leeward Islands’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 48 (1965), pp. 175–206 (p. 176); Block and Shaw, ‘Subjects without an Empire,’ p. 53.
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April Lee Hatfield, Atlantic Virginia: Intercolonial Relations in the Seventeenth Century (Philadelphia, PA, 2007), pp. 89, 259 n. 15.
Susie May Ames, County Court Records of Accomack-Northampton, Virginia, 1640–1645 (Charlottesville, VA, 1973), x. 251–2. Pelham appears to have been sent by the Earl of Carlisle to St. Christopher with reinforcements to protect the planters from French incursions in 1627.
Awnsham Churchill and Jean Barbot, A Collection of Voyages and Travels, Some Now First Printed from Original Manuscripts, Others Now First Published in English: With a General Preface, Giving an Account of the Progress of Navigation, from Its First Beginning (Walthoe, 1732), ii. 361.
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Hilary MacDonald Beckles, ‘White labour in black slave plantation society and economy: a case study of indentured labour in seventeenth Barbados’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Hull, 1980), p. 69.
Robert Dunlop (ed.), Ireland under the Commonwealth (Manchester, 1913), ii. p. 467. For recent reassessments of the Interregnum policy in Ireland, see R. S. Spurlock, ‘Cromwell and Catholics: towards a Reassessment of Lay Catholic Experience in Interregnum Ireland’, in M. Williams and S. Forrest (eds), Constructing the Past: Writing Irish History, 1600–1800 (Woodbridge, 2010), pp. 157–179; John Cunningham, ‘Lay Catholicism and Religious Policy in Cromwellian Ireland’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64:4 (2013), pp. 769–786.
Aubrey Gwynn, ‘Cromwell’s Policy of Transportation’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 19 (1930), pp. 607–623; idem, ‘Cromwell’s Policy of Transportation Part II’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 20 (1931), pp. 291–305.
S. O’Callaghan, To Hell or Barbados: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ireland (Dingle, 2001), pp. 77–88.
It has been claimed that up to 20 per cent of the Irish shipped to the New World died en route. See A. B. Ellis, ‘White Slaves and Bondservants in the Plantations’, Argosy, 6 May 1883.
John W. Blake, ‘Transportation from Ireland to America, 1653–60’, Irish Historical Studies (1943), pp. 267–281, pp. 268–9.
John P. Prendergast, The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland (New York, 1868), Appendix VI, pp. 244–246.
Michael J. O’Brien, Pioneer Irish in New England (New York, 1937), pp. 32–48.
Jerome S. Handler, ‘Father Antoine Biet’s Visit to Barbados in 1654’, The Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society 32 (1965–1966), pp. 56–76, pp. 60–1.
W. N. Sainsbury (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and the West Indies, 1661–1668 (London, 1880), p. 466.
James Robertson, ‘Re-writing the English Conquest of Jamaica in the Late Seventeenth Century’, The English Historical Review 117 (2002), pp. 813–839, p. 833.
Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana: Or, The Ecclesiastical History of New-England, from Its First Planting in the Year 1620, Unto the Year of Our Lord, 1698 (Hartford, CT, 1820), ii. 458.
E. T. Fisher, Report of a French Protestant Refugee, in Boston, 1687 (Brooklyn, NY, 1868), p. 30.
Matteo Binasco, ‘The Activity of Irish Priests in the West Indies: 1638–1669’, Irish Migration Studies in Latin America 7:4 (2011), http://www.irlandeses.org/imsla2011_7_04_10_Matteo_Binasco.htm (accessed 15 November 2014).
Pestana, Protestant Empire, p. 55; Aubrey Gwynn, ‘Early Irish Emigration to the West Indies (1612–1643)’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 19 (1929), pp. 377–393.
Theodore K. Rabb, Jacobean Gentleman: Sir Edwin Sandys, 1561–1629 (Princeton, NJ, 1998), p. 346.
Kevin Butterfield, ‘Puritans and Religious Strife in the Early Chesapeake’, The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (2001), pp. 5–36, p. 6.
For a recent study of the limitations of Irish admission into Spanish society see Ciaran O’Scea, ‘Special Privileges for the Irish in the Kingdom of Castile (1601–1680): Modern Myth or Contemporary Reality?’, in David Worthington (ed.), British and Irish Emigrants and Exiles in Europe: 1603–1688 (Leiden, 2010), pp. 107–124.
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Spurlock, R.S. (2015). Catholics in a Puritan Atlantic: The Liminality of Empire’s Edge. In: Gribben, C., Spurlock, R.S. (eds) Puritans and Catholics in the Trans-Atlantic World 1600–1800. Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, 1500–1800. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137368980_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137368980_3
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