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Part of the book series: Asia Today ((ASIAT))

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Abstract

This book evaluates past and current contributions by Asia-Pacific nations to international peace support and stability missions, with a view to identifying trends and future prospects for such contributions. It fills a glaring gap in the existing literature examined below, which tends to focus predominantly on Western nations’ conduct of these said operations. In spite of widespread proclamations of the coming Asian century, there has been a dearth of sustained and systematic comparative analysis of what Asia-Pacific nations can or cannot contribute to international peace support and stability missions. While there are more than 40 newcomers in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping since the end of the Cold War, many of these newcomers, from a rising China to small states such as Singapore, hail from the Asia-Pacific region. On the other hand, more seasoned contributors such as Indonesia are increasingly viewed as an emerging power with potentially larger contributions to managing global security. Taken together, the increasing participation of Asia-Pacific nations in peace and stability missions also reflects a greater desire for countries in the region to play a larger international role commensurate with the eastward shift of economic and political power.

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Notes

  1. Asian institutions have been extensively analyzed. Ralf Emmers, ASEAN and the Institutionalization of East Asia (London: Routledge, 2011);

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  4. The literature on this transformation is vast. For a most notable “textbook” interpretation of such transformation, see Alex Bellamy, Paul Williams, and Stuart Griffin, Understanding Peacekeeping (Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell, 2004) (and the second edition, 2009, by Bellamy and Williams, published by Polity).

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  5. See also Kobi Michael, David Kellen, and Eyal Ben-Ari, eds., The Transformation of the World of War and Peace Support Operations (Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2009);

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  10. United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations and Department of Field Support, “United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Principles and Guidelines” (Capstone Doctrine), 2008. For a critique of the idea of “robust” peacekeeping in the UN context, see Thierry Tardy, “A Critique of Robust Peacekeeping in Contemporary Peace Operations,” International Peacekeeping, Vol. 18, No. 2 (April 2011): 152–67.

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  14. Traditional troop contributors and model-setters for UNPKO were middle powers during the Cold War. These countries no longer provide for the bulk of UN peacekeepers today. Nor does the “Nordic Model,” once standard during the Cold War, provide for a viable template for peace operations today. See Peter Viggo Jakobsen, Nordic Approaches to Peace Operations: A New Model in the Making? (London: Routledge, 2006).

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  24. The most standard version is UK Ministry of Defense, Joint Warfare Publication (JWP 3–50): The Military Contribution to Peace Support Operations (1st ed., 1998) and its 2nd edition published in 2003. This was later the basis of standardized NATO PSO. See also Philip Wilkinson, “Sharpening the Weapons of Peace: The Development of a Common Military Doctrine for Peace Support Operations,” International Security Information Service Briefing Paper No. 18, 1998.

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  25. Peace Enforcement is defined by UK/NATO doctrines as: “A peace support operation conducted to maintain a ceasefire or a peace agreement where the level of consent and compliance is uncertain and the threat of disruption is high. A Peace Support Force (PSF) must be capable of applying credible coercive force and must apply the provisions of the peace agreement impartially,” whereas Peacekeeping is defined by “peace support operation following an agreement or ceasefire that has established a permissive environment where the level of consent and compliance is high, and the threat of disruption is low. The use of force by peacekeepers is normally limited to self-defence.” JWP 3–50 (2nd ed.), para. 103, citing AAP-6. Hence it is the level of consent that separates the two. Such concepts of peacekeeping/peace enforcement are different from the UN’s definitions, where peacekeeping indicates existence of consent, however fragile, whereas peace enforcement does not presuppose consent. On comparisons of the terms, see UK Ministry of Defence, Joint Doctrine Note 5/11, Peacekeeping: An Evolving Role for Military Forces (Shrivenham: JCDC, July 2011).

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  32. For a recent academic consideration of stability operations, see Chiyuki Aoi, Legitimacy and the Use of Armed Force: Stability Missions in the Post-Cold War Era (London: Routledge, 2011).

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  33. Some exception to this trend can be identified, such as UN Interim Force in Lebanon, where Italy and France, for example, contribute large numbers of troops. In 2011, International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) under NATO command employed more personnel than the rest of peace operations combined. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, SIPRI Yearbook 2011: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2012), Appendix 3A.

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  43. R. E. Utley, Major Powers and Peacekeeping (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), is a good example.

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  44. See Norrie McQueen, UN Peacekeeping in Africa (New York: Longman: 2002);

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  46. and Beatrice Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from below (London: Hurst and Co, 2006).

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  47. As noted above, no cross-regional work on politics of PKO participation exist in the literature. Nonetheless, peace operations policies of great powers in the region have been examined in a few journals/books. For China, see Stefan Stahle, “China’s Shifting Attitude towards UN Peacekeeping Operations,” The China Quarterly, Vol. 195 (2008): 631–55;

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© 2014 Chiyuki Aoi and Yee-Kuang Heng

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Aoi, C., Heng, YK. (2014). The Asia-Pacific in International Peace Support and Stability Operations. In: Aoi, C., Heng, YK. (eds) Asia-Pacific Nations in International Peace Support and Stability Operations. Asia Today. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137366955_1

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