Abstract
Nine crucial episodes in the maneuvering over decentralization are analyzed in detail. These include the establishment of non-concurrent elections, the election of a pro-municipal politician to lead the central state’s Municipal League, and the founding of a more autonomous Federation of Municipalities. In addition, combinations among parties led to two increases in revenue-sharing (1997 and 2003), and the capital city was sub-divided. A spontaneous local movement launched Participatory Budgeting (PB), which spread rapidly; important new laws also reduced the Municipal League’s power and made PB mandatory. The eff ects of these legal and policy innovations are evaluated, on the dimensions of institutional architecture, legislation, financial resources, and political momentum. The presence of shift ing party coalitions during this period is verified from relevant literature, and types of coalitions that may promote reform are distinguished.
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Notes
Albert O. Hirschman,Journeys Toward Progress: Studies of Economic Policy-Making in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1965), p. 353.
Dominican law categorizes the JCE as a judicial body, and its members are designated as judges.
The NDI report, made public on May 18, 1994, is reprinted in an NDI publication, Interim Report on the May 16, 1994 Elections in the Dominican Republic, Issued August 12, 1994 (Washington, DC, 1994).
The IFES assessment can be found in John W. Graham and Adila R. Laïdi, Dominican Republic: International Election Observation, Final Report–May 1994 (Washington, DC: IFES, 1994).
Cf. two editorials in the New York Times, which reached a wide readership in the Dominican Republic itself: “Mr. Balaguer’s Dubious Victory,” May 20, 1994, and “End the Dominican Charade,” August 6, 1994.
The Verification Commission’s report is re-printed in Juan Bolívar Díaz, Trauma electoral (Santo Domingo, 1996), Anexo 3, pp. 319–323. The victory margin for the PRSC and its allies can be found at: http://resultadoselectorales.jce.gob.do/boletines/1994/nivel1994PRESIDENCIAL.htm, accessed June 7, 2013. The thesis that voters of all parties might have suff ered equally from exclusion (supported by some of the PRSC’s advocates) was undercut by the count of “challenged” ballots, cast on Election Day by some citizens unlisted on the padrón. Th ose votes favored the PRD with 75%, the PLD with 7%, and the PRSC with 16%. The tally of challenged ballots is presented in NDI, Interim Report... issued August 12, 1994, op. cit., Appendix F.
Bolívar Díaz, Trauma electoral, op. cit., p. 175.
The final official election results (as shown in Table 4.2b) produced a numerical tie in the senate, with 15 PRD members opposing an alliance of 14 reformistas and one PLD senator. The senate presidency went to Sen. Amable Aristy Castro (PRSC—La Altagracia). See Víctor Mateo, “República Dominicana ha tenido 17 presidentes del Senado desde 1962,” Observatorio Político Dominicano, Unidad Poder Legislativo (Internet document), http://www.opd.org.do/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1292:republica-dominicana-ha-tenido-17-presidentes-del-senado-desde-1962&catid=84:analisis-pl, accessed September 12, 2013.
Bolívar Díaz, Trauma electoral, op. cit., chs. 9–11.
Wilson Suazo, “Dicen pacto PRD-PLD asegura 70% delegados Liga,” Última Hora (Santo Domingo), January 13, 1995.
Interview #A11, administrator of the Dominican Municipal League, Santo Domingo, August 18, 1995; interview #D1, ex-administrator of the Dominican Municipal League, Santo Domingo, February 12, 2008; Radhamés González, “Oposición busca control de la Liga Municipal,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), January 2, 1995;
Héctor Luzón, “Asamblea elige Maríñez secretario general LMD,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), January 27, 1995.
For evidence on the new Liga employees appointed following Maríñez’s victory, fulfilling his commitment to the PLD, see Radhamés González, “Cambios a alto nivel en la LMD,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), January 31, 1995. The distribution of votes within town councils (salas capitulares) was calculated from municipal-level voting results presented in República Dominicana, Gaceta Oficial, Vol. 43, No. 9901, pp. 17–110. The efficiency and persuasiveness of those organizing Maríñez’s election must have been impressive, since the town councilors who were voting did not stand to benefit from LMD patronage positions that would largely be located in Santo Domingo.
González, “Cambios a alto nivel...,” op. cit.; Antonio Cáceres and Oscar Peña, “Proponen reforma política de municipios,” El Nacional (Santo Domingo), June 25, 1995.
Julio Maríñez Rosario, “La falta de recursos limita gravemente la autonomía local,” Carta Local: Boletín Informativo de la Federación Española de Municipios y Provincias, No. 62, Julio-Agosto 1995, pp. 32–34.
Rumbo (Santo Domingo), August 9–15, 1995.
Maríñez’s chief of staff proposed a blue-ribbon “Institutional Reform Commission,” to address issues including “excessive presidentialism” and the lack of a popular voice in constitutional revisions; he called as well for instituting election districts, municipal plebiscites, and frequent town meetings (cabildos abiertos). See Sucre Feliz Carbuccia, “La Reforma política y la descentralización municipal en República Dominicana,” in Fundación DEMUCA,, ed., Los Municipios y la descentralización en Centroamérica y República Dominicana (San José, Costa Rica: DEMUCA, 1999), pp. 105–107.
Radhamés González, “Afirma la centralización afecta funcionamiento de ayuntamientos,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), June 26, 1995.
Josefina Navarro, “Ahogados por la gula presidencial,” Rumbo (Santo Domingo), August 9–15, 1995, pp. 8–9.
Interview #D1, former administrator of the Dominican Municipal League, Santo Domingo, February 12, 2008.
Interview #C2, politician (PRD) experienced in elections in the National District, Santo Domingo, January 23, 2007.
“Falla de nuevo plan debatir Ley 140,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), December 13, 1996.
Interview #D1, former administrator of the Dominican Municipal League, Santo Domingo, February 12, 2008. For broadly corroborative figures, see Oficina de Desarrollo Humano (PNUD), Desarrollo humano, una cuestión del poder, op. cit., p. 154.
It is likely that the staff of Julio Maríñez, then general secretary of the LMD, helped to organize the Federation of Mayors, though documentary evidence to that eff ect has not been found. Certainly Sr. Maríñez admired the model of the Spanish Federation of Municipalities and Provinces, with which the LMD signed a cooperative agreement in August of 1995. Interview #D1, former administrator of the Dominican Municipal League, Santo Domingo, February 12, 2008.
“Falla de nuevo plan debatir Ley 140,” op. cit.
Lourdes Rosa, “Federación Municipios escoge directivos,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), May 5, 2000.
Charles Mariotti, presentation at the “Encuentro Internacional por la Democracia Participativa, La Descentralización y el Desarrollo Local,” co-sponsored by FEDOMU and CONARE, Bayahibe, Dominican Republic, March 19, 2009.
Internet: Web site of the Inter-American Foundation, http://www.iaf.gov/grants/awards_year_en.asp?country_id=6&gr_year=1997; the grant was #DR-293. Since its establishment in 1969, the Inter-American Foundation has emphasized social and economic development at the grass roots in Latin America.
Unidad Nacional de Presupuesto Participativo, Presupuesto Participativo en la República Dominicana, DVD (Santo Domingo, 2006) .
Interview #D4, consultant on municipal aff airs, including Participatory Budgeting, CONARE, Santo Domingo, February 15, 2008.
A number of municipalistas have asserted that the use of PB tended to increase political support, in the elections of 2006, for authorities in communities that participated in the new system. It has been claimed, for example, that the rate of re-election for mayors in 2006 was 73% in towns where PB was applied, as against 50% in all municipalities. Coalición por Democracia Participativa, Cómo hacer presupuesto participativo, op. cit. (2006 edition, preface). It would be important to verify these figures, together with relevant data from the 2010 elections, through independent studies.
Coalición por Democracia Participativa, Cómo hacer presupuesto participativo, op. cit., preface.
Patricia Arache, “Un ‘plan’ del PLD para obtener el control de la Liga es revelado,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), August 19, 1998 .
idem, “El PRD llama a las masas a salir a las calles para impedir el ‘despojo’ de la Liga Municipal,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), January 4, 1999. “Aristy Castro installed as LMD head,” DR1 (electronic news summary in English, Santo Domingo), January 28, 1999.
Interview #B4, two advisers at an international aid agency, specialists in decentralization, Santo Domingo, March 15, 2005; interview #B5, a diplomat experienced in development assistance, Santo Domingo, March 16, 2005.
Interview #B2, technocrat at the National District ayuntamiento, Santo Domingo, February 17, 2005.
This calculation is based on the data in Table 5.2.
Fundación Siglo 21, Acuerdos sobre la reforma municipal, op. cit., pp. 41–43.
Domingo Matías, Partidos, sociedad civil y reforma municipal (Santo Domingo: Unión de Vecinos Activos, 1997), p. 26.
The law’s text is available at http://amunicipiosozama.blogspot.com/2012/10/ley-163–01-que-crea-la-provincia-de.html, accessed June 13, 2013.
Marien A. Capitan, “Mejía Ricart se opone crear más provincias,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), May 11, 2004.
DR1, on-line Dominican news digest, October 3, 2001.
The number was expanded to eight via additional legislation in 2005, which carved out three new municipalities in the Province of Santo Domingo—two from Santo Domingo Oeste and one from Santo Domingo Este.
Juana de Jesús and R. Polanco, “No hay poder en los ayuntamientos,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), April 24, 2001.
The press noted during 2002 that President Mejía was seeking support among the mayors, to promote his re-election eff orts, “because [the mayors] are the ones who arrange jobs for party members and resolve community problems.” Aristides Reyes, “Convención PRD enfrentó grupos Mejía-Hatuey,” El Nacional (Santo Domingo), February 22, 2002.
FEDOMU, “Comunicado: Declaración de la Segunda Asamblea Nacional de Municipios,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), December 9, 2002, and Hoy (Santo Domingo), December 13, 2002. It is not clear why FEDOMU substituted the term “Asamblea” for the label of “Congreso” to describe its large conclave of 2002; in the text above I have utilized the nomenclature that was employed in 2001. It is interesting that the phrase “as an electoral pledge to Dominican voters” was not included in the advertisement financed by PARME. Miguel Pichardo, “
Amable Aristy Castro, clave en el acuerdo,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), January 10, 2003.
Interviews: #F5, former elected municipal and congressional official, Santo Domingo, October 12, 2011, and #F8, former official at FEDOMU, October 17, 2011.
Pichardo, “Amable Aristy Castro, clave...,” op. cit. In an evident error, Pichardo attributes the representation of FEDOMU on this occasion to Fausto López Solís, another PRD politician from La Vega. Another article, on the same page of El Caribe, correctly notes the leading role of Fausto Ruiz Valdez: José Ramón Torres, “500 millones más para los municipios,” El Caribe, January 10, 2003.
Víctor Mañana, “Mejía promulga ley incrementa 10% ingresos de ayuntamientos,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), October 7, 2003.
In 2005, a high-ranking official of FEDOMU stated in an interview that “in 2003 the diff erences [of FEDOMU] with the Liga were resolved;” interview #B1, with an experienced FEDOMU official and a consultant to the federation, Santo Domingo, February 16, 2005.
DR1 (electronic news summary in English, Santo Domingo), January 19, 2007; Rosa Alcántara, “Maríñez tramita candidatura a LMD,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), January 24, 2007, p. 12
Florentino Durán, “Asamblea Municipios reelige Amable Aristy,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), January 27, 2007, p. 5.
Interview #B4, two advisers at an international aid mission, specializing in decentralization, Santo Domingo, March 15, 2005.
Interview #B5, a diplomat experienced in development assistance, Santo Domingo, March 16, 2005.
Interview #C2, with a politician (PRD) experienced in elections in the National District, Santo Domingo, January 23, 2007.
Rosa Alcántara, “Amable Aristy presentó ayer candidatura,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), March 19, 2007.
Osvaldo Santana, “El amarre de Amable ¿amarra al PRSC?,” El Caribe (Santo Domingo), January 25, 2007, p. 16.
Domingo Matías, “Domínguez Brito y el poder financiero de la LMD,” Cambio (Santo Domingo), No. 39, December 1, 2006. The other co-sponsors of the bill, all PLD senators, were: Charles Mariotti (Monte Plata), Félix Nova Paulino (Monseñor Nouel), and Dionis Sánchez (Pedernales).
Interview #C8, two officials of the Participatory Budget Coordinating Unit, CONARE, Santo Domingo, July 9, 2007.
Ramón Urbáez, “Leonel Fernández pide legisladores aprueben leyes,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), July 11, 2007, p. 4.
Interview #F5, former elected municipal and Congressional official (PRSC), Santo Domingo, October 12, 2011. Estrella organized his own party for the 2008 elections, called Dominicanos por el Cambio (Dominicans for Change).
Cámara de Diputados de la República Dominicana, “Proyecto de Ley—Presupuesto Participativo Municipal” (Santo Domingo: n.d.).
Pedro Germosén, “Senado aprueba ley presupuesto para los cabildos,” Hoy (Santo Domingo), June 23, 2007.
Néstor Medrano, “Aprueban reducir poderes LMD con apoyo diputados reformistas,” Listín Diario (Santo Domingo), July 13, 2007, p. 4.
Mayra Ogando, “Apoyan creación de ley limita funciones de la LMD,” Diario Libre (Santo Domingo), July 16, 2007.
Ramonina Brea, Isis Duarte, Ramón Tejada and Clara Báez, Estado de situación de la democracia dominicana (Santo Domingo: PUCMM, 1995), pp. 61–65.
Leiv Marsteintredet, “Executive-Legislative Deadlocks in the Dominican Republic,” Latin American Politics and Society, Vol. 50, No. 2 (Summer, 2008), p. 146.
Ibid., pp. 369–375.
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Mitchell, C. (2014). Party Alliances, the Municipios, and Decentralization. In: Decentralization and Party Politics in the Dominican Republic. Palgrave Pivot, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137353122_5
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