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Saved and Transfigured Selves — Salvation, Old and New

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Christian Ideals in British Culture
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Abstract

Conversion as a concept has played an important role in shaping the public face of Christianity and has frequently been recognised by both contemporaries and historians as a key demonstration and narrative of religiosity’s character. However, it is also an area where the religious have enshrined the importance of narrative and, in particular, the possibility of its variety. Religions of the book have consistently relied upon such narratives of conversion as fundamental methods of conveying and legitimising the importance of religious experience to audiences within their communion. However, such narratives have also had important messages to convey to those outside these communities of belief. These frequently crystallise and encapsulate the idea of change in the life and personality of the individual and the opportunities this further offers to the potential believer. Callum Brown has reminded us that such narratives were especially ubiquitous from the nineteenth century onwards.2 For both of these reasons conversion has also been an important influence on the construction of religious history. In its consideration of the lived experience of being religious, and the history of this, conversion has also had important things to say to aspects of the history of secularisation.

God doesn’t live in buildings Put up by the hand of men But He lives in the hearts of those Who have been born again1

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Notes

  1. Poem by Paul McGowan from Lesley McGowan (1990) I Found Jesus ( Chichester: New Wine ), p. 40.

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  2. Callum Brown ( 2009 edition) The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularisation 1800–2000 ( London: Routledge ), p. 69.

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  3. Rodger M. Payne (1998) The Self and the Sacred: Conversion and Autobiography in Early American Protestantism ( Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press).

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  4. Lewis Rambo (1993) Understanding Religious Conversion ( London: Yale University Press).

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  5. See, for example, Bob Altemeyer and Bruce Hunsberger (1997) Amazing Conversions: Why Some Turn to Faith and Others Abandon Religion ( Amherst: Prometheus Books ), pp. 231–3.

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  6. D. Bruce Hindmarsh (2005) The Evangelical Conversion Experience: Spiritual Autobiography in Early Modern England ( Oxford: Oxford University Press ), pp. 16–17.

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  7. Patricia Caldwell (1983) The Puritan Conversion Narrative: The Beginnings of American Expression ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ), pp. 41, and 161–186. See this latter section for a comparison between the structure of puritan conversion narratives in England and New England. See also

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  8. Charles Taylor (2007) A Secular Age ( New York: Belknap ), p. 83, for a recognition that puritanism inculcated a confidence in salvation but alongside a deep conception of sin.

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  9. See Jean Delumeau (1990) Sin and Fear: The Emergence of Western Guilt Culture: 13th–18th Centuries [translated by Eric Nicholson] ( New York: St. Martin’s Press). Taylor also suggests this fear was a motivation instrumental in disenchantment. Taylor, A Secular Age, p. 88.

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  13. For material on Edwards see Payne, The Self and the Sacred, pp. 24–27, 50–51 and Stephen R. Yarbough and John C. Adams (1993) Delightful Conviction: Jonathan Edwards and the Rhetoric of Conversion ( Westport, CO: Greenwood Press). For evangelical conversion as Transatlantic idiom see Hindmarsh, The Evangelical Conversion Experience, pp. 60–77. Hindmarsh is an especially good guide to the range and diversity of conversion experiences, which cannot be discussed in the same level of detail here.

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  14. Jonathan Edwards (1972) A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God in C. C. Goen, ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press). This story had a ripple effect across the Atlantic and was still a staple of conversion compendia compiled in the twentieth century, see its inclusion in

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  15. Robert Backhouse (1993) Invaded by Love: An Anthology of Christian Conversion Stories ( London: Marshall Pickering ), p. 38.

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  51. This is likely to be echoed by many of the implications of Callum Brown’s demographic explanations. These see significant changes around the function, purpose and viability of the conventional family as an episode in the creation of a more autonomous individual prepared to debate with established notions of a moral order. Callum Brown (2012) Religion and the Demographic Revolution: Women and Secularisation in Canada, Ireland, UK and USA since the 1960s ( Woodbridge: Boydell Press ), p. 9.

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  58. Ali Köse (1996) Conversion to Islam: A Study of Native British Converts ( London: Kegan Paul ), p. 191. This critique also had a counterpart in charismatic distaste for a ‘rationalistic’ and ‘mechanical’ Christianity especially during the Wimber ‘Signs and Wonders’ ministry of the late 1980s. See Steven, Worship in the Spirit, p. 27.

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  60. It is worth contrasting this with some pre-1939 thinkers on the issue of conversion, who saw it as a redoubling or deepening of existing faith. In his 1937 book Harold Beales described faith as ‘essential for conversion’ and cites relevant biblical texts, which he presumed his readers were familiar with or at least had access to. This is followed by programmes that tacitly assume religious membership as a prerequisite for this type of conversion. See W. Harold Beales (1937) Children of God: Chapters on Conversion and its Consequences (London: Epworth Press), pp. 20–1, 33–4.

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  62. See also W. R. Forrester (1956) Conversion ( Edinburgh: St Andrews Press ), p. 21, for a critique of James and his tendency to ‘pathologise’ conversion.

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Nash, D. (2013). Saved and Transfigured Selves — Salvation, Old and New. In: Christian Ideals in British Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137349057_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137349057_3

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