Abstract
Peter Katzenstein proclaimed in 2005 that we were living in ‘a world of regions, embedded deeply in an American Imperium’, with core states in Asia and Europe—Japan and Germany—acting as supporters of American power and purposes. The world in the 2010s may still be one of regions, but it is a different one because of China ‘s rise and extensive activities in regionalism. East Asia has changed tremendously, from a team of ‘flying geese’ led by Japan to an arena where major powers compete for influence.1 When the Doha round of negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO) is announced effectively ‘dead’,2 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) inadequate to prevent or lead the world out of the global financial crisis, the rise of regionalism3 and nationalism seems both natural and worrying. While the EU struggles to keep its very existence and the US tries to make its way back to the Asia Pacific, China is building partnerships through a variety of economic instruments. With the second largest economy in the world and a very different political and economic system from major powers, China ‘s economic diplomacy invites both hope and awe. To the partners, is it coming with Noah ‘s Ark, or a Trojan horse? To major powers, .is it a revisionist force or a ‘responsible great power’ as Beijing claims? And, importantly, to what extent is China able to realise its ambitions? Just as their ancestors in the Han Dynasty 2000 years ago believed that the world would be peaceful if it were upheld by three poles, many Chinese today advocate a multipolar world for peace and development.
Keywords
- World Trade Organization
- Free Trade Agreement
- North American Free Trade Agreement
- Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
- World Trade Organization Membership
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.
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Notes
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Jiang, Y. (2013). Introduction. In: China’s Policymaking for Regional Economic Cooperation. International Political Economy Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137347602_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137347602_1
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