Abstract
In the Introduction to this study, we noted that adherence to the efficient style of the conte/nouvelle constrains the author as he faces the violence of the religious wars and seeks internal strength to buttress himself against the unpredictable events outside his estate. It is evident that the brief narrative tale appears as one form among others in the midst of an increasingly extended discourse. To the list of conte, propos de table, discours bigarrés, chronicles, and history, we would add medical diagnostic—the type of recounting and keeping track of habitual activities: eating, drinking, suffering bouts of illness that were typical of Renaissance medical discourse. Jean Starobinski, as translated by John A. Gallucci, comments on the irony of Montaigne’s reliance on a form of medical discourse in a work in which he berates the efficacy of medical practice, and in particular, their reliance on knowledge as distinct from experience: “The reader will notice (were he only to glance at the medical books of the time) that Montaigne cannot narrate his own being (se raconter) except by appropriating the language of the doctors, by making use of their categories, by diverting them according to the rule he applies to all of his borrowings, for his own benefit.”1
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Notes
Lewis Jillings, “The Aggression of the Cured Syphilitic: Ulrich von Hutten’s Projection of His Disease as Metaphor,” The German Quarterly 68, 1 (Winter 1995): 1–18.
Ambroise Paré, Dix Livres de la chirurgie avec le magasin des instrumens à icelles (Paris: Jean le Royer, 1564), 136v
Jon Arrizabalaga, John Henderson, and Roger French, The Great Pox: The French Disease in Renaissance Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 104.
“Fragment d’une lettre que Monsieur le conseiller de Montaigne escrit à Monseigneur de Montaigne son père, concernant quelques particularitez qu’il remarqua en la maladie et mort de feu Monsieur de la Boëtie,” in Montaigne, Oeuvres completes, edited by Maurice Rat (Paris: Gallimard, 1962), 1347–60. See also, François Rigolot, “Montaigne’s Purloined Letters,” Yale French Studies 64 (1983): 145–66.
The Renaissance [or modern reader] cannot read the reference to the “feuilles sybillines” without thinking of the physician Rabelais’s amusing sequence of passages in which Panurge appeals to a series of consultants, one of which is the Sibylle of Panzoust to predict whether or not he will in fact by robbed, beaten, and cuckolded by his future wife: “Là estoit un sycomore antique; elle l’escrousla par trios fois, et sus huyct feueilles qui en tombèrent, sommairement, avecques le fuseau escrivit quelques briefz vers. Puis les jecta au vent...” ‘Here there was an old sycamore; she shook it three times, and on eight leaves that fell from it, summarily, with the spindle she wrote a few short verses. Then she tossed them to the wind...’ François Rabelais, Oeuvres complètes, edited by Guy Demerson (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1973), 433.
See Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosphical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance (Basle: S. Karger, 1958).
Deborah N. Losse, “The Old World Meets the New in Montaigne’s Essais: The Nexus of Syphilis, Cannibalism, and Empirical Medicine,” Montaigne Studies XXII, 1–2 (2010): 85–99.
Michel de Montaigne, Oeuvres completes, edited by Maurice Rat (Paris: Gallimard, 1962), 1616.
Alain Legros, “Montaigne, son livre et son roi,” Studi francesi 122, 42, 2 (1997): 59–274
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© 2013 Deborah N. Losse
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Losse, D.N. (2013). “Mes ancestres avoient la medecine à contrecoeur” ‘My Ancestors had an Aversion to Medicine’: Medical Discourse, Observation, and Self-Portraiture. In: Montaigne and Brief Narrative Form. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137320834_7
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137320834_7
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