Abstract
Michael repeatedly urged St. Aubert (d. c. 725), bishop of Avranches, to build a church in his honor. Fearful at first that he saw a demon and not a true angel, Aubert at last relented and traveled to the outcrop of granite that jutted so dramatically from the waters of the nearby bay. There, beneath the summit, as Michael had foretold, the bishop found a steer stolen from him. In accord with angelic direction, where the beast had tramped out a circle with its feet, the bishop laid the foundations for Michael’s prayer house. The round shape of the sanctuary deliberately imitated the cavern on Monte Gargano from where Aubert retrieved relics to complete his dedication.1 Here on the desolate Breton frontier Aubert founded Mont Saint-Michel, where subjects of the Frankish kings, the “adopted” Christian “Children of Israel,” could pass from “Egypt” to the “Promised Land.” The landscape itself permitted this miraculous movement into apocalyptic space for, on October 16 when a festival commemorated Michael’s apparition to Aubert, the waters surrounding the island routinely held themselves in check.2 At that time the archangel’s votaries crossed the “Red Sea” to “penetrate the stars of heaven by means of the indwelling reach of contemplation.”3
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Notes
Revelatio ecclesiae sancti Michaelis archangeli in Monte qui dicitur Tumba V, edited by Pierre Bouet and Olivier Desbordes, Chroniques latines du Mont Saint-Michel (IXe–XIIe siècle) 1 (Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2009), pp. 98–99. All Latin citations are from Bouet’s edition. Mabillon’s edition is published as Apparitio de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Tumba, AASS, September 8.76–79, which John Charles Arnold translates into English: “The ‘Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti Michaelis’ and the Mediterranean Origins of Mont St.-Michel,” The Heroic Age 10 (May 2007), http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/10/arnold.html. All English citations are from that publication. For the relics, see François Neveux, “Les reliques du Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Culte et pèlerinages à Saint Michel en occident, les trois monts dédiés à l’Archange, edited by Pierre Bouet, Giorgio Otranto, and André Vauchez (Rome: École française de Rome, 2003), pp. 245–269. Also, Jacques Dubois, “Le trésor des reliques de l’abbaye du Mont Saint–Michel,” Millénaire monastique, vol. 1, pp. 501–593.
Walter Goffart addresses the historiographical issues surrounding this “transformation” model as opposed to that of “decline and fall,” Barbarian Tides (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), as does James J. O’Donnell, Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2005.07.69, http://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2005/2005–07-69.html (accessed July 24, 2012). O’Donnell reviews Peter Heather’s The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (London: Pan MacMillan, 2005),
and Bryan Ward-Perkins’s The Fall of Rome and the End of Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), both of which tend toward the “decline and fall” model. Paul Halsall makes the case for “transformation,” in Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West 376–568 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)
as does Chris Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Europe and the Mediterranean 400–800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
For the Frankish settlement, see Edward James, The Franks (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988),
and Ian Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms (London: Longman, 1994), who includes as well a brief discussion of the Burgundian settlement (pp. 8–13). Justin Favrod presents an expansive analysis of the Burgundian foundation, Histoire politique du royaume Burgonde (443–534), Bibliothèque historique vaudoise 113 (Lausanne: Bibliothèque historique vaudoise, 1997). Walter Goffart adduces a possible technical and legal context for settlement, Barbarians and Romans, 418–584: The Techniques of Accomodation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), pp. 127–161.
Yitzhak Hen, Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, AD 481–751 (Leiden: Brill, 1995),
presents the most forceful argument for this swift and thorough Christianization of Gaul, especially pp. 154–206. Hen’s “maximalist” position conflicts with recent analyses of the exceptionally slow Christianization of Hispania as discerned in the archeological record: Michael Kulikowski, Late Roman Spain and Its Cities (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2010), pp. 215–255. James sees a lengthier process for Gaul (Franks, pp. 121– 128). Wickham (Framing) and Halsall (Barbarian Migrations) both insist on regional variations as a basic analytical principle for the early medieval West. Felice Lifshitz concurs with Hen’s suggestion that shifting perceptions as to “proper” Christianity led to eighth-century characterizations of the Merovingian Church as lax, “pagan,” and “barbaric”: The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1995), pp. 1–17.
See S. Deyts, “Nouvelles figurations anatomiques en bois des sources de la Seine,” Revue archéologique de l’Est 20 (1969), pp. 235–245,
and the discussions of T. G. E. Powell, The Celts (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1983), pp. 166–179.
Also Émile Thévenot, Divinités et sanctuaires de la Gaule (Paris: A. Fayard, 1968), pp. 200–221.
For an amulet from the Cairene market, refer to London Hay 10122, a generic gynecological spell dating from the mid-seventh century incorporating drawn figures, ring letters, signs, and at least fifteen legible angelic names. It comprised part of an archive of five amulets written by the same scribe, all for generic clients, and surely offered to the public on the thriving amulet market operating within Old Cairo: W. E. Crum, “Magical Texts in Coptic—II,” Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 20 (1934): 197–200, translated by D. Frankfurter, Ancient Christian Magic, p. 17. Skemer briefly discusses Cairene amulets, the Geniza depository, and Byzantine amulet production in Binding Words, pp. 27–29. St. Boniface addressed the issue of a Roman amulet market, St. Bonifatii et Lulli Epistolae 50, edited by M. Tangl, MGH Ep. Sel. I, pp. 84–85 with translation by E. Emerton, The Letters of Saint Boniface (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 59–60.
For text, date, and commentary, see R. S. O. Tomlinson, “‘Sede in tuo loco’: A fourth-century Uterine Phylactery in Latin from Roman Britain,” Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 15 (1997): 291–294.
Mention of Greek and Aramaic versions by M. W. C. Hassall and R. S. O. Tomlinson, “Roman Britain in 1995,” Britannia 27 (1996): 444, f. 24.
For other British examples, see Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets: The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze “Lamellae.” Part 1. Papyrologica Coloniensia 22 (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994), pp. 13–15.
For a compendium of Romano-British defixiones, refer to the website “Curse Tablets of Roman Britain,” http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/index.shtml and its bibliography, http://curses.csad.ox.ac.uk/tablets/bibliography.shtml (accessed July 23, 2012). For the dossier from Bath, see Barry Cunliffe, The Temple of Sulis Minerva at Bath. Vol 2. The Finds from the Sacred Spring (Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1988).
Hen uses the sermons of Caesarius as evidence for an absence of a pagan sensibility during the later fifth and sixth centuries (Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, p. 171), but for a more moderate view, see William E. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Arles, the Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 201–243.
Rouselle, Croire et guérir, pp. 171–208. Also, Raymond Van Dam, Saints and Their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); and Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), especially pp. 115–300; Sulpicius Severus, Vie de Saint Martin, introduction, edition, translation, and commentary by Jacques Fontaine, SC 133–135 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1967–69), English translation by F. R. Hoare, The Western Fathers (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1954), pp. 10–44.
Cassiodorus-Epiphanius, Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita II.19, edited by Walter Jacob and Rudolf Hanslik, CSEL 71 (Vienna: Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1952), p. 118. For background and bibliography, see James J. O’Donnell, Cassiodorus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), Chapter 6, 1995 “Postprint,” http://www9.georgetown.edu/faculty/jod/texts/cass-book/chap6.html. Also, M. L. W. Laistner, “The Value and Influence of Cassiodorus’ Ecclesiastical History,” in The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages, edited by Chester G. Starr (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1957), pp. 22–39.
Averil Cameron, “The Byzantine Sources of Gregory of Tours,” Journal of Theological Studies 26 (1975): 421–426.
Only fragments of the text remain. Avitus of Vienne, Sermo XVII, “In dedi-catione ecclesiae archangeli Michaelis,”edited by Rudolf Peiper, MGH AA 6.2 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1883), pp. 125–126. For background and context on Avitus, see Avitus of Vienne, Letters and Selected Prose, translated with introduction and notes by Danuta Shanzer and Ian Wood (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), pp. 3–27. Also, Ian Wood, “The Audience of Architecture in Post-Roman Gaul,” The Anglo-Saxon Church: Papers on History, Architecture, and Archaeology in Honour of Dr. H. M. Taylor, edited by L. A. S. Butler, Richard Morris, and Harold McCarter Taylor, CBA Research Report 60 (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1986), pp. 74–79;
and A. Coville, Récherches sur l’histoire de Lyon du Vème siècle au IXème siècle (Paris: A. Picard, 1928), pp. 209–210, 465–466. Wood points to Avitus’s appreciation of Michael’s presence (The Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 77). Ann R. Meyer discusses the theme of Jacob’s Ladder and Michael within the later traditional liturgy for church dedications, particularly with regard to St. Denis: Medieval Allegory and the Building of the New Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 84–87. References to Jacob’s Ladder and Gen 28.11–12 occur in the second of two sermons for the dedication of a church, which Albert Höfer attributed to Caesarius of Arles, “Zwei unbekannte Sermones des Caesarius von Arles,” Revue bénédictine 74 (1964): 49.
Martin Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours: History and Society in the Sixth Century, translated by Christopher Carroll (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 126.
For a discussion of the “locust and the caterpillar” in Arian exegesis, see Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1997), pp. 13, 20, 35, and for its connection to Joel 2.25, p. 838.
Giselle De Nie noted the resonances with Jesus, Views from a Many-Windowed Tower: Studies of Imagination in the Work of Gregory of Tours (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1987), p. 228.
Hubert Mordek, Kirchenrecht und Reform im Frankenreich: Die Collectio Vetus Gallica, dieälteste systematische Kanonessammlung des fränkischen Gallien (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1975), pp. 1–17, 38–39. Mordek stressed that the canons of Laodicea entered Gaul through the older Dionysia rather than the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals (long attributed to Isidore of Seville), or the later Dionysia-Hadriana collection received from Pope Hadrian at Charlemagne’s request. For the Dionysia and Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals, see Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta Iuris Antiquissima II, edited by C. H. Turner (Oxford: Clarendon, 1907).
Also, Rosamond McKitterick, “Knowledge of Canon Law in the Frankish Kingdoms before 789; the Manuscript Evidence,” Journal of Theological Studies 36 (1985): 97–117.
See, e.g., Michel Rouche, who insisted on an Irish origin for Mont Saint-Michel: “Le Combat des saints anges et des demons: la victoire de Saint Michel,” in Santi e demoni nell’alto medioevo occidentale 1, Settimane di studio 36 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto Medioevo, 1989), pp. 544–546 [pp. 533–571]. Philippe Faure modifies this position to admit Monte Gargano alongside the “celtic lands” as the “twin poles” for the cult’s northern diffusion: “L’ange du haut Moyen Âge occidental (IVe–IXe si è-cles): création ou tradition?” Médiévales 15 (1988): 39 [31–49].
Olga Antonovna Dobias Rozadestvenskaia, La culte de Saint Michel et le Moyen Âge latin (Paris: A. Picard, 1922). This French version represents an abridgment of the Russian original published in Leningrad in 1918.
It has not yet disappeared, as seen with Thomas Cahill’s How the Irish Saved Civilization (New York: Anchor Books, 1995), although that book’s contents do not adhere to this position quite as rigidly as the title would suggest. Felice Lifshitz uses the terms “iromania,” “irophilia,” or “insularophilia” when clearly delineating this historiographical position, its formation, and its purposes (The Norman Conquest of Pious Neustria, pp. 72–99).
Jean-Michel Picard, “Structural Patterns in Early Hiberno-Latin Hagiography,” Peritia 4 (1985): 76–77 [67–82].
Further criticism in Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), pp. 219–247;
Richard Sharpe, Medieval Irish Saints’ Lives: An Introduction to “Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae” (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).
Jean-Michel Picard, “The Purpose of Adomnán’s Vita Columbae,” Peritia 1 (1982): 160–177. As to the structure and governance of the early Irish church, Colman Etchingham provides the most recent overview. See Church Organisation in Ireland, AD 650–1000 (Maynooth: Laigin Publications, 1999). Etchingham argues for a diversity of structures, with episcopal control coexisting with that of abbots and patrons. Richard Sharpe discusses the historiographical issues and positions with regard to these structures, “Some Problems Concerning the Organization of the Church in Early Medieval Ireland,” Peritia 3 (1984): 230–270, as he critiques Kathleen Hughes’s influential view of an episcopal structure changing into an abbatial structure as found in her The Church in Early Irish Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), pp. 39–78, and “The Celtic Church: Is This a Valid Concept?” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies I (1981): 1–20.
Walter Horn, Jenny White Marshall, and Grellan D. Rourke, The Forgotten Hermitage of Skellig Michael (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 10. Edward Bourke provides a description of the site and its structures: “A Preliminary Analysis of the Inner Enclosure of Skellig Michael, Co. Kerry,” in Above and Beyond: Essays in Memory of Leo Swan, edited by Tom Condit and Christiaan Corlett (Wicklow: Wordwell, 2005), pp. 121–137.
Also, Liam de Paor, “A Survey of Scelig Mhichíl,” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 85 (1955): 174–187. Jean-Pierre Mouton speaks to the evangelization of the Avranchin and Cotentin by Saints Pair and Scubillion from Poitou: Histoire religieuse du Mont-Saint-Michel (Rennes: Éditions Ouest-France, 2009), pp. 25–29.
Martyrology of Tallaght, edited by R. I. Best and Henry J. Lawlor, HBS 68 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1931). Nora Chadwick, The Age of the Saints in the Early Celtic Church (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), p 101.
Das Irische Palimpsestsakramentar, pp. 80–112, for a detailed description of the formulae and their antecedents. Antiphonary of Bangor, edited by F. E. Warren and William Griggs, HBS, vols. 4 and 10 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1893–95); and Michael Curran, The Antiphonary of Bangor and the Early Irish Monastic Liturgy (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1984).
Martyrology of Tallaght, introductory remarks and entry on p. 75. Also Paul Grosjean, “Le Martyrologe de Tallaght,” Analecta Bollandiana 51 (1933): 117–130.
Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee, edited by Whitley Stokes, HBS 29 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1905), pp. xxxvii–xxxviii; Peter O’Dwyer, CélíDé. Spiritual Reform in Ireland, 750–900 (Dublin: Editions Tailliura, 1981), p. 142; Hughes, Sources, pp. 205–210.
Westley Follett, “Archangelum mirum magnum: a Hiberno-Latin hymn attributed to Máel Rúain of Tallaght,” The Journal of Medieval Latin 19 (2009): 106–129.
Westley Follett provides the most recent interpretation, Céli Déin Ireland, Monastic Writing and Identity in the Early Middle Ages (Woodbridge, UK/Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2006), especially p. 189 ff. Follett builds upon the insights of Brian Lambkin, “Blathmac and the Céili Dé; a Reappraisal,” Celtica 23 (1999): 132–154. Lambkin challenges a Culdee rejection of the secular world as articulated by O’Dwyer, CélíDé, pp. 1–28. O’Dwyer understood the desire of the Céli Déto recover the original inspiration of the anchoritic movement, but disagreed with Kathleen Hughes’s assertion that the Culdees constituted actual self-contained communities (The Church in Early Irish Society, pp. 173–174).
Evangeliorum Quattuor Codex Lindisfarnensis, facsimile edition by Thomas Downing Kendrick et al., vol. 1 (Olten and Lausanne: Urs Graf, 1956–60), pp. 34–37. Also, Michelle P. Brown, The Lindisfarne Gospels: Society, Spirituality and the Scribe (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 182–185, for the liturgical apparatus and more generally for a wealth of information on the text and book production as well as exhaustive bibliography.
Bertram Colgrave, The Life of Bishop Wilfrid by Eddius Stephanus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). The identification of the author stems from Bede, Ecclesiastical History IV.2, who speaks of an Æddi or Stephanus invited from Canterbury to Northumbria by Wilfrid, although D. P. Kirby concludes otherwise: “Bede, Eddius Stephanus and the ‘Life of Wilfrid,’” English Historical Review 98 (1983): 101–114. Brown provides the quote, Lindisfarne Gospels, p. 10.
For his early career, VW 1–6; for his connections with Aunemundus and Luxeuil, Ian Wood, “Ripon, Francia and the Franks Casket in the Early Middle Ages,” Northern History 26 (1990): 10–13 [1–19].
As for the Synod of Whitby, VW 10 and Bede, HE III.25, ibid., pp. 294–309; Henry Mayr-Harting, The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (State College, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), pp. 103–113; Brown, Lindisfarne Gospels, 30–36.
J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 110–111.
Toussaints du Plessis, Histoire de l’église de Meaux, vol. 1 (Paris: JulienMichel Gandouin et Pierre-François Giffart, 1731), p. 18;
Friedrich Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich (Vienna: Oldenbourg, 1965), pp. 124–126;
Geneviève Aliette de Rohan-Chabot, marquise de Maillé, Les Cryptes de Jouarre (Paris: A. & J. Picard, 1971), pp. 51–52.
et ecce vir stetit ante me in veste candida (Acts 10.30, Vulgate). VW 56. William Trent Foley, Images of Sanctity in Eddius Stephanus’ Life of Bishop Wilfrid, an Early English Saint’s Life (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen, 1992), p. 38, draws attention to the citation, but does not fully develop the logic behind its use.
H. P. R. Finberg, “The Archangel Michael in Britain,” Millénaire Monastique 3, p. 462; Elsmarie Knögel-Anrich, Schriftquellen zur Kunstgeschichte der Merowingerzeit (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1992), p. 216, citing Richard of Hexham, De statu et episcopis Hagustaldensis ecclesiae 3, written c. 1150.
Owen Chadwick, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” in Studies in Early British History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), pp. 183, suggests that this current began with the Roman missions of the early seventh century.
Marcel Lelegard, “Saint Aubert,” Millénaire monastique 1, pp. 29–30, and more recently Katherine Allen Smith, “An Angel’s Power in a Bishop’s Body: The Making of the Cult of Aubert of Avranches at Mont-Saint-Michel,” Journal of Medieval History 29 (2003): 347–360.
John James G. Alexander establishes the date at 708 with dedication in 709, citing the chronicle of Robert of Torigni, Norman Illumination at Mont St.-Michel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 1, n. 1. Chadwick, “The Evidence of Dedications in the Early History of the Welsh Church,” p. 184, suggests 709, following the chronicle of Sigebert of Gembloux.
Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 3, edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SS I V, pp.79–80; Michel Parisse, “Origines et développe-ment de l’abbaye de Saint-Mihiel (VIIe–XIIe siècles),” Saint-Mihiel: journées d’études meusiennes, 6–7 Octobre 1973, Annales de l’Est 48 (Nancy: L’Université, 1974), pp. 25–32;
Liber Historiae Francorum 46 and Fredegar, Chronicarum cum continuationi-bus, Continuatio 3, edited by Bruno Krusch, MGH SRM II, pp. 319–320 and p. 170; Richard Gerberding, The Rise of the Carolingians and the Liber Historiae Francorum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 78–80; Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms, pp. 227–229; Chronicon Sancti Michaelis monasterii in pago Virdunensis 1.
Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century, pp. 9–124; Michael McCormick, The Origins of the European Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 83–115, 523–570.
None number among the 30 written in b-miniscule that may have come from the mother house of Jouarre: Rosamond McKitterick, “Nun’s Scriptoria in England and Francia in the Eighth Century,” Francia 19 (1989): 11–12.
Revelatio 7. Katherine Allen Smith, “Architectural Mimesis and Historical Memory at the Abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel,” in Negotiating Community and Difference in Medieval Europe, edited by Katherine Allen Smith and Scott Wells (Leiden: Brill, 2009), pp. 65–82.
Michel de Boüard, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre au Mont Saint-Michel,” Journal de Savants (1961): 10–27; Yves-Marie Froidevaux, “L’Église Nôtre-Dame-sous-Terre de l’abbaye du Mont-Saint–Michel,” Monuments historiques de la France 7 (1961): 145–166. Florence Margo usefully summarizes these articles in a recent analysis, “Les crypts romanes du Mont Saint-Michel, ordonnance des espaces,” Espace ecclésial et liturgie au Moyen Âge, Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient 53 (Lyon: La Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2010), pp. 369–378.
Hrabanus Maurus, De festis praecipuis item de virtutibus 32, PL 110.60–63. For background and bibliography on the homiliary, see Nicholas Everett, “The Liber de Apparitione S. Michaelis in Monte Gargano and the Hagiography of Dispossession,” Analecta bollandiana 120 (2002): 365, n. 8.
Bobbio Missal 497: + ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio dumno centorione paraletecos torquitur ante ostio domno centorione paraletecos torquitur... For the historiola, see David Frankfurter, “Narrating Power: The Theory and Practice of the Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells,” in Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, edited by Marvin Meyer and Paul Mirecki (Leiden: Brill, 1995), pp. 457–476.
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Arnold, J.C. (2013). Michael Goes North. In: The Footprints of Michael the Archangel. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137316554_5
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