Abstract
Almost all scholarly attempts to define colonial states rely, to varying degrees, on the existence of a division between the rulers and the ruled. For most post-colonial historians, this division in colonial Asia was marked primarily by conceptions of racial difference.1 This was apparent in many formal bureaucratic structures and employment practices in which certain powers and positions were reserved for white Europeans. But while this was usually an institutionalised bifurcation evident in the formal organisation of colonial states’ uppermost branches, it is less certain how this hierarchical racial division was experienced in everyday life.2 With subordinate officials, like Inspector Pakiri, evidently capable of subverting the authority of British superior officers and enacting the state for their own ends, it might legitimately be asked whether the white upper echelons of the colonial administration were relevant in everyday deltaic life at all. Were the daily personal politics of local government, as George Orwell evocatively characterised them, always ‘impervious to the European mind, a conspiracy behind the conspiracy, a plot within a plot’?3
In Burma … the people looked up to the officials and recognized that they were better off under authority than if they attempted to govern themselves. Above all, they knew that in the last resort they could rely on the justice and firmness of British officers.
Herbert Thirkell White, A Civil Servant in Burma (1913)
The whole affair, as far as I can see, is one network of intrigue and villainy. It seems impossible to believe anybody. It all comes from dealing with Burmans.
Cecil Champion Lowis, The Machinations of the Myo-Ok (1903)
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Notes
D. Arnold (2004) ‘Race, Place and Bodily Difference in Early Nineteenth-Century India’, Historical Research, 77, 196, 254–73; Partha Chatterjee (1994) The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Delhi: Oxford University Press) pp. 14–34; F. Cooper (2005) Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History (California: University of California Press) pp. 171–90; S. Kapila (2007) ‘Race Matters: Orientalism and Religion, India and Beyond c. 1770–1880’, Modern Asian Studies, 41, 3, 471–513; A. L. Stoler (2002) Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press).
Considerable headway has been made in research on the everyday experience of racial difference in E. Kolsky (2010) Colonial Justice in British India: White Violence and the Rule of Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
G. Orwell (1989) Burmese Days (London: Penguin) p. 44.
R. E. Frykenberg (1965) Guntur District, 1788–1848: A History of Local Influence and Central Authority in South India (Oxford: Clarendon Press).
R. Chandavarkar (2009) ‘State and Society in Colonial India’, in History, Culture and the Indian City (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) pp. 84–93.
S. Lukes (1974) Power: A Radical View (London: Macmillan); M. Foucault (1991) ‘Governmentality’, in G. Burchell, C. Gordon, and P. Miller (eds) The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press) pp. 87–104.
C. J. Fuller and V. Bénéï (eds) (2001) The Everyday State and Society in Modern India (London: Hurst and Co.); T. Sherman (2010) State Violence and Punishment in India (London: Routledge) pp. 1–16.
W. Gould (2010) Bureaucracy, Community, and Influence in India: Society and the State, 1930s-1960s (New York: Routledge) pp. 104–36.
A. Ireland (1907) The Province of Burma: A Report Prepared on Behalf of the University of Chicago, Vol. 1 (Boston, New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co.) p. 122; J. Nisbet (1901) Burma Under British Rule—and Before, Vol. 1 (Westminster: Constable) p. 227.
J. F. Cady (1958) A History of Modern Burma (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press) p. 151.
A. H. M. Kirk-Greene (1980) ‘The Thin White Line: The Size of the British Colonial Service in Africa’, African Affairs, 79, 314, 25–44.
A. A. Yang (1987) ‘Disciplining “Natives”: Prisons and Prisoners in Nineteenth- Century India’, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 10, 2, 29–45; M. Aung-Thwin (2011) The Return of the Galon King: History, Law, and Rebellion in Colonial Burma (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press).
This complaint is echoed in D. G. E. Hall (1956) Burma, 2nd edn (London: Hutchinson’s University Library).
M. Foucault (1979) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books).
See, for example, F. S. Donnison (1953) Public Administration in Burma: A Study of Development During the British Connexion (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs); Hall, Burma.
G. E. Harvey (1946) British Rule in Burma, 1824–1942 (London: Faber and Faber) p. 38.
H. T. White (1913) A Civil Servant in Burma (London: E. Arnold) pp. 262–3.
H. Fielding-Hall (1906) A People at School (London: Macmillan) pp. 165–6.
C. C. Lowis (1903) The Machinations of the Myo-Ok (London: Methuen).
For two contrasting approaches to colonial information gathering, see A. Appadurai (1993) ‘Number in the Colonial Imagination’, in C. A. Breckenridge and P. Van Der Veer (eds) Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives from South Asia (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press) pp. 114–135; C. A. Bayly (1996) Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
The full extent of this recorded material has only recently been explored in its more minutial detail. A. Mizuno (2011) ‘Identifying the “Agriculturists” in the Burma Delta in the Colonial Period: A New Perspective on Agriculturists Based on a Village Tract’s Registers of Holdings from the 1890s to the 1920s’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 42, 3, 405–34. For more on the census in Burma, see J. Richell (2005) Disease and Demography in Colonial Burma (Copenhagen: NIAS).
For the use of descriptive rolls to monitor criminals, see C. Anderson (2004) Legible Bodies: Race, Criminality and Colonialism in South Asia (Oxford: Berg). Or having to provide information on their families, see A. J. Major (1999) ‘State and Criminal Tribes in Colonial Punjab: Surveillance, Control and Reclamation of the “Dangerous Classes”’, Modern Asian Studies, 33, 3, 657–88.
Taw Sein Ko (1913) Burmese Sketches (Rangoon: British Burma Press) p. 310; P. Edwards (2004) ‘Relocating the Interlocutor: Taw Sein Ko (1864–1930) and the Itinerancy of Knowledge in British Burma,’ South East Asia Research, 12, 3, 277–335.
For instance, see I. Brown (2005) ‘“Blindness Which we Mistake for Sight”: British Officials and the Economic World of the Cultivator in Colonial Burma’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 33, 2, 181–93.
M. Adas (1983) ‘Colonization, Commercial Agriculture, and the Destruction of the Deltaic Rainforests of British Burma in the late Nineteenth Century’, in P. P. Tucker and J. F. Richards (eds) Global Deforestation and the Nineteenth-Century World Economy (Durham: Duke University Press) pp. 95–110.
J. McC. Heyman and A. Smart (1999) ‘States and Illegal Practices: An Overview’, in J. McC. Heyman (ed.) States and Illegal Practices (Oxford, New York: Berg) pp. 1–24.
For a study making use of a moral economy framework, see J. C. Scott (1976) The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
L. Bear (2006) ‘An Economy of Suffering: Addressing the Violence of Discipline in Railway Workers’ Petitions to the Agent of the East Indian Railway, 1930–47’, in S. Pierce and Anupama Rao (eds) Discipline and the Other Body: Correction, Corporeality, Colonialism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press) pp. 243–72.
P. Swarnalatha (2001) ‘Revolt, Testimony, Petition: Artisanal Protests in Colonial Andhra’, International Review of Social History, 46, S9, 128.
Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments; A. L. Stoler (1995) Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality, and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham, NC: Duke University Press).
For two important critiques of such structuring binaries, see S. Sarkar (2002) Beyond Nationalist Frames: Postmodernism, Hindu Fundamentalism, History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press); F. Cooper and A. L. Stoler (eds) (1997) ‘Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a Research Agenda’, in Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press) pp. 1–56.
B. N. Lawrance, E. L. Osborn, and R. L. Roberts (eds) (2006) Intermediaries, Interpreters, and Clerks: African Employees in the Making of Colonial Africa (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press).
See my discussion of press depictions of the lower courts in J. Saha (2012) ‘A Mockery of Justice? Colonial Law, the Everyday State and Village Politics in the Burma Delta, c. 1890–1910’, Past & Present, 217, pp. 187–212.
A. M. Burton (ed.) (1999) ‘Introduction: The Unfinished Business of Colonial Modernities’, in Gender, Sexuality, and Colonial Modernities (London: Routledge) pp. 1–16.
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Saha, J. (2013). Whiter than White. In: Law, Disorder and the Colonial State. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137306999_4
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