Abstract
The 1995 statement by Japan’s socialist prime minister Tomiichi Murayama, made at a time when history issues had become a major problem between Japan and its neighbors, was welcomed in China. However, it did not constitute a turning point, largely because subsequent statements and actions by some Japanese politicians seemed to contradict its spirit. Although the Murayama Statement has been upheld by all subsequent cabinets in Japan, its efficacy in managing Sino-Japanese relations was limited until the Chinese government and analysts began searching for a new approach to Japan policy to bring the escalating history problems under control. Since 2006, the spirit of the Murayama Statement, coupled with a tacit understanding concerning mutual self-restraint, has become a minimum condition for China to contain its history problems with Japan.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
Here the theory of elite myth-making may imply elites cynically fabricating myths out of thin air rather than themselves embracing such myths as their worldview.
Japanese officials or politicians who have evoked the Murayama Statement during their visits to China include foreign minister Makiko Tanaka (2001), head of the Conservative Party Takeshi Noda (2001), foreign minister Junko Kawaguchi (2002), and head of the Democratic Party Seiji Maehara (2005). Controversial statements have included those by Seisuke Okuno (1996), Seiroku Kajiyama (1997), and Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori (2000). A Japanese Foreign Ministry spokesman also evoked the Murayama Statement after the Osaka International Peace Center allowed a meeting by neonationalists denying the Nanjing Massacre in 2000.
These include the Joint Statement between the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on Comprehensive Promotion of a “Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests” (2008).
The Chinese government made a similar comment when Prime Minister Taro Aso sent potted plants to the Yasukuni Shrine in April 2009.
The Chinese government also remained restrained when Yoshihiko Noda, then running for president of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, commented that convicted Class A war criminals were not considered guilty under Japanese domestic law.
References
“Basic Documents of Postwar Japanese International Relations,” Database Japan and the World. n.d. http://www.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~worldjpn/index.html.
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2000. “Visit to Japan by President Jiang.” http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/ziliao/3602/3604/t18038.htm.
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2007a. “Wen Jiabao zai Riben guohui de jiangyan” [Speech by Wen Jiabao in the Japanese Diet[. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/pds/gjhdq/gj/yz/1206_25/1209/t310780.htm.
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2007b. “Waijiaobu fayanren Jiang Yu jiu Anbei shouxiang huijian Yuandong guoji junshi fating Yindu faguan houren shi da jizhe wen” [Foreign Ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu answers reporter’s question concerning Prime Minister Abe’s meeting with the descendent of the Indian justice at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East]. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/pds/gjhdq/gj/yz/1206_25/fyrygth/t355263.htm.
Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2008. “Waijiaobu fayanren Jiang Yu jiu Riben ziwendu gaoguan zhuanwen fouren qinlue lishi da jizhe wen” [Foreign Ministry spokesperson Jiang Yu answers reporter’s question concerning a high ranking officer in Japan’s Self-Defense Force writing an essay that denies the history of aggression]. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/pds/gjhdq/gj/yz/1206_25/fyrygth/t520570.htm.
Crocker, David A. 1999. “Reckoning with Past Wrongs: A Normative Framework.” Ethics and International Affairs 13: 43–64.
Genron NPO 2011. “2011 dai-7-kai Nitchû kyôdô yoron chôsa” [The 7th Joint Poll of Chinese and Japanese Public Opinion, 2011]. http://tokyo-beijingforum.net/index.php/survey/7th-survey.
Hatano, Sumio. 2011. Kokka to rekishi: Sengo Nihon no rekishi mondai [State and history: the history problems in postwar Japan]. Tokyo: Chûkô shinsho.
Hattori, Ryûji. Nitchû kokkô seijôka: Tanaka Kakue, Ôhira Mayayoshi, Kanrô tachi no chôsen [Sino-Japanese diplomatic normalization: challenges of Tanaka Kakue, Ôhira Mayayoshi, and bureaucrats]. Tokyo: Chôkô shinso.
Higashikuni, Naruhiko. 1948. Watakushi no kiroku [My records]. Tokyo: TĂ´hĂ´ shobo.
Hirano, Minoru. 1978. Hiroku: Gaikô kisha nikki [Secret record: diary of a diplomatic correspondent]. Tôkyô: Gyôsei Tsûshinsha.
Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2011. “Chûka jinmin kyôwakoku” [People’s Republic of China]. http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/area/china/data.html.
Jiang, Lifeng. 2006. “Peiyang liangguo renmin de qinjingai dui gongu Zhong-Ri youhao guanxi de genji yiyi zhongda” [Cultivating a sense of affinity among the people is important for consolidating the foundation of Sino-Japanese friendship]. http://ijs.cass.cn/files/xuekan/2006-6/.
Jin Linbo. 2008. “Japan’s Neo-nationalism and China’s Response.” In East Asia’s Haunted Present: Historical Memories and the Resurgence of Nationalism, edited by Tsuyoshi Hasegawa and Toshihiko Togo, 165–79. New York: Greenwood.
Kitaoka, Shin’ichi. 2007. “Nitchû rekishi kyôdô kenkyû no shuppatsu” [The start of joint Japan–China historical research]. Gaiko Forum (June): 14–20.
Lind, Jennifer. 2008. Sorry States: Apologies in International Politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Liu, Jiangyong. 1996. “Waiqu lishi jiang wudao weilai” [Distorting history will misguide the future]. Riben xuekan 4: 1–17.
Liu, Jianping. 2010. Zhanhou Zong-Ri guanxi: “Buzhenchang” lishi de guocheng henjiegou [Postwar Sino-Japanese relations: the process and structure of “abnormal” history]. Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe.
Ma, Licheng. 2002. “Dui-Ri guanxi xinsiwei-Zhong-Ri minjian zhi you” [New thinking concerning Sino-Japanese relations: concerns about the Chinese and Japanese public]. Zhanlue yu guanli 6: 41–47.
Ma, Licheng. 2004. “Ma Licheng zaitan dui-Ri xinsiwei” [Ma Licheng on “new thinking” toward Japan]. Nanfengchuan, March 1: 22–23.
Murayama Tomiichi. 1995. “Sengo 50-nen ni attate no Murayama naikaku sôri daijin no danwa oyobi kasha kaiken” [Statement by Prime Minister Murayama on the occasion of the 50th year of the end of the war and press conference]. http://www.ioc.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~worldjpn/index.html.
Murayama Tomiichi and Sataka Makoto. 2009. “Murayama danwa” to wa nani ka [What is the “Murayama Statement”?]. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten.
Ônuma, Yasuaki. 2007. “Ianfu” mondai to wa nandatta no ka [What was the “comfort women” issue?]. Tokyo: Chûkô shinsho.
Reilly, James. 2010. “China’s Online Nationalism toward Japan.” In Online Chinese Nationalism and China’s Bilateral Relations, edited by Simon Shen and Shaun Breslin, 45–72. New York: Lexington Books.
Reilly, James. 2011. “Remember History, Not Hatred: Collective Remembrance of China’s War of Resistance to Japan.” Modern Asian Studies 45(2): 463–90.
Shi, Yinhong. 2003. “Ri-Zhong jiejing yu waijiao gemin” [Sino-Japanese rapprochement and diplomatic revolution]. Zhanlue yu guanli 2: 71–75.
Tanaka, Akihiko. 2008. “The Yasukuni Issue and Japan’s International Relations.” In East Asia’s Haunted Present: Historical Memories and the Resurgence of Nationalism, edited by Tsuyoshi Hasegawa and Katsuhiko Togo, 119–41. New York: Greenwood.
Wakamiya, Yoshibumi. 1999. The Postwar Conservative View of Asia. Tokyo: LTCB International Library Foundation.
Wakamiya, Yoshibumi. 2006. Wakai to nashonarurizumu [Reconciliation and nationalism]. Tokyo: Asahi shinbumsha.
Xue, Li. 2003. “Zhong-Ri guanxi nengfou chaoyue lishi wenti” [Can Sino-Japanese relations transcend the history issues?]. Zhanlue yu guanli 4: 28–33.
Yamaguchi, Kikuichirô. 1955. Hoshutô kara mita shin Chûgoku [The new China seen from the Conservative Party]. Tokyo: Yomiuri shimbunsha.
Yang, Daqing. 2002. “Mirror for the Future or History Card? Understanding the History Problem in Japan–China Relations.” In Chinese–Japanese Relations in the Twenty-First Century: Complementarity and Conflict, edited by Marie Söderberg, 10–31. London: Routledge.
Yuan, Chenyi. 2004. “Huigui lixin de ziran shuqiu—Zailun Zhongguo yaoqiu Riben zuo shumian daoqian wenti” [A natural demand based on rationality: another comment on the demand for Japan to make a written apology]. Zhejiang shehui kexue (November): 170–83.
Zhu, Jianrong. 2005. Kô Kintô Nichi senryaku no honne [The real intention of Hu Jingtao’s Japan strategy]. Tokyo: Kagokawa shoten.
Zhu, Rongji. 2009. Zhu Rongji da jizhe wen [Zhu Rongji answers reporters]. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe.
Editor information
Copyright information
© 2013 Kazuhiko Togo
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Yang, D. (2013). Political Apology in Sino-Japanese Relations: The Murayama Statement and Its Receptions in China. In: Togo, K. (eds) Japan and Reconciliation in Post-war Asia: The Murayama Statement and Its Implications. Palgrave Pivot, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137301239_2
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137301239_2
Publisher Name: Palgrave Pivot, New York
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-45343-6
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-30123-9
eBook Packages: Palgrave Political & Intern. Studies CollectionPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)